The Dakar School of African History
Summary and Keywords
The Dakar School, as the historians of Cheikh Anta Diop University (the University of Dakar) were called, had a brief French antecedent in Yves Person, whose teachings communicated to students the importance of African oral sources. He himself worked primarily on such sources from the 19th century. The Dakar School was then taken over and given its name by the young Guinean historian Boubacar Barry, who had been based in Senegal since the 1960s. Research collaborations between Cheikh Anta Diop University and the University of Paris 7 (today known as Paris-Diderot) then became active through exchanges involving both instructors and doctoral students. The Senegalese department strengthened over time, thanks to well-established historians, a number of them being non Senegalese scholars expelled from their own country by dictatorial regimes such as Boubacar himself or others who taught several years in Dakar such as Sekene Mody Cissoko, a well known Malian historian, or Thierno Moctar Bah from Guinea. After Boubacar Barry, the department was headed successively between the years 1975 and 2000 by Mbaye Gueye, Mamadou Diouf, Mohamed Mbodj, Penda Mbow, Ibrahima Thioub, and Adrien Benga, among others. They and their colleagues understood how to maintain and reinforce the quality and cohesion of an original and diverse research department over the course of many years, one that was simultaneously independent of any political power and rather opponent to any authoritarian State and tolerant toward its colleagues. Among them, several scholars are currently enjoying late careers in the United States, while Ibrahima Thioub has become vice chancellor of Cheikh Anta Diop University. However, their succession has been consistently assured by their own doctoral students. Nowadays, does the “Dakar school” still exist? Yes because historians remain proud of and faithful to this innovative past, no because Senegalese historians are now part of the world wide international community of historians.
This article relies on forty years of regular visits to the Department of History at the University of Dakar (1972–2012). This implies a close acquaintance with several of its members, whether they wrote their dissertations under the direction of the present author of this article (as was the case early on and over the course of many years), or whether we later worked together on a number of conferences, publications, and dissertations in collaboration with our research centers. Naturally, it also relies on numerous scholarly works, from master’s to doctoral dissertations (of the so-called troisième cycle, and thèse d’Etat), covering the entire range of history studied by the department, from Ancient history, principally of Egypt, all the way to the modern era. Precolonial history was favored in the years between 1960 and 1980. Subsequently, works on the colonial period predominated, followed by a dozen years of post-independence history, often but not always political. These works were collected in the department library each year from the beginning, put there by both students and instructors of the “Dakar School.” Most of them have since been transferred to the campus’s central library. We can add to them, of course, the published works of many of these instructors, a certain number of which are mentioned in the endnotes to this article. Nevertheless, it is appropriate to place chronological limitations on what we call the Dakar School, a term that was adopted at the time (1988) in reference to some already famous historical “Schools,” namely the Dar es Salaam School and the Ibadan School. These types of nomenclatures no longer hold much meaning today, at a time when knowledge has been globalized, and when the African intellectual diaspora has spread across the world, trading in its specificities, in all languages, for a great concern with pluridisciplinarity. This was only minimally the case in Dakar until the very beginning of the 2000s. For historians of the University of Dakar, it was a matter of simultaneously affirming the independence of the Dakar School vis-à-vis French influence, while also affirming its importance vis-à-vis English-language historical writing, which had a generation’s worth of a head start: in Great Britain the training of British and African historians of Africa had begun in 1947 with the creation of two chairs of history, one in Accra (Ghana, still known at that time as the Gold Coast) and the other in London (SOAS). In contrast, it wasn’t until 1962 that the French created their two chairs of African premodern and modern history, both of them in Paris (at the Sorbonne). There were none in Dakar. Given the pronounced linguistic gap that was still present at that time, the historical literature with which this article is concerned, and which largely preceded the substantial American influence on the Dakar School today, is thus largely in the French language.
The University of Dakar
In the early days of Senegalese independence, the only existing university was that of Dakar, which had initially, from the beginning of the 1950s, been a collège dépendant of the University of Bordeaux. It was only in 1958 that it was granted status as a university. Even so, President Senghor wanted it to maintain its French nationality. Nearly the entirety of the teaching faculty remained French. It wasn’t until 1962 that the first two chairs of African history were created in Paris, at the Sorbonne. However, in the 1960s, Yves Person, who succeeded Hubert Deschamp in 1972 as the second tenured professor selected for that position in Paris, was teaching at the University of Dakar. There, he was explaining to passionate African students the importance of the oral sources and field surveys that he had worked on for more than ten years as part of his seminal study of Samori Ture. These sources involved collective memories that had been preserved by local traditionists whom he had interviewed at length, particularly in Côte d’Ivoire, in Malinke, Bambara, and Dyula, and whose linguistic unity he emphasized. He brought attention to the abandonment of the Pular language by the people of the region. At the same time, Jean Devisse, a specialist in medieval history, discovered the archaeological remains of Awadaghost in southern Mauritania and trained the same students in Dakar in accordance with this new knowledge. It was in Dakar that these two French professors, one originally an administrator of the French Overseas Territories and the other an expert on a medieval theologian (Hincmar, Archbishop of Reims, 845–882), first discovered the African history for which they become pioneers.
The French Dakar School
The French Dakar School was thus born just as African countries were gaining independence. It didn’t last long, but through the end of the 1960s it did leave its mark on the first young francophone historians of Dakar: Oumar Kane, Mbaye Gueye, Iba der Thiam, Bintou Sanankoua (born in 1943, she was to my knowledge the first female Senegalese historian to become a university professor), Thierno Mouctar Bah, Mamadou Diouf, and, of course, Boubacar Barry.
It must have been the latter who, in 1988, gave the Dakar School its designation as a “School.” Barry was, strictly speaking, its African founder, along with some of his colleagues; nearly all of them were originally students of Yves Person. But none of them had yet defended a doctoral dissertation (thèse d’Etat), a research monument that was at the time required in order to become a tenured university professor in the French and francophone worlds. Boubacar Barry had sown the seeds of the Dakar School much earlier, from the moment he took his position at Dakar University, with the 1972 publication of his history of the Waalo kingdom (translated into English in 2012). But with Person and Devisse having returned to France (and for that matter, with neither of them being a PhD, or docteur d’Etat, at the time), the history department was rather lacking.
In 1974, Boubacar Barry, who was an assistant professor (maître assistant) at the time, and myself, a professor at the University of Paris 7 (Paris-Diderot), developed a semi-subterfuge: I was authorized as a research director by the board of the University of Dakar. My annual research teaching assignment (six weeks) allowed my colleagues to create a doctoral program (troisième cycle). I signed the official papers, but my Senegalese colleagues carried out the fundamental work that gave birth to the Dakar School. Several of their students completed their research as part of the Knowledge of the Third World (Connaissance des tiers mondes) Institute, which has since become known as Societies Developing in Space and Time (Sociétés en Développement dans l’Espace le Temps, or SEDET) at the University of Paris 7, today CESSMA. This was possible thanks to scholarships granted by the Ministry of Cooperation (ministère français de la Cooperation). This situation helped the department’s cohesion, characterized by its interdisciplinary and comparatist students, as did its early recourse to computer technologies with the active collaboration of Paris 7 specialists, such as the historian Jean-Claude Debeir, several times missioned to Dakar. Thus Mamadou Fall, today a professor at the University of Dakar close to retirement where he teaches, among other things, the History of Asia, prepared a doctoral dissertation on the history of colonization on the Indochinese peninsula in collaboration with Cheikh Anta Diop University and the University of Paris 7. The Dakar historians definitively achieved their independence in 1985 with the defense of the first Dakar-based doctoral dissertations (Boubacar Barry and Abdoulaye Bathily). There ensued an extended research collaboration between the department’s research historians and the SEDET laboratory, as can be seen through the exchange, in both directions, of instructors and doctoral students, as well as through joint conferences and publications, particularly in the field of modern history.
The African Dakar School
The first two French-language doctoral dissertations on African history had by this time already been defended in France by two Senegalese historians. The first to do so, in 1955, was Abdoulaye Ly (1919–2013), who was trained according to the model of the French university. The subject of his dissertation revealed what was a radicality of thought for its time, because it looked at the slave trade of the 18th century, which was still a relatively taboo subject. The best known of these dissertations, which brought about a true intellectual revolution in the African historical world, was by Cheikh Anta Diop (1923–1986), and was for a long time rejected by European researchers.
His dissertation, Negro Nations and Culture (Nations nègres et culture), was initially refused, before receiving a mediocre passing grade in 1960: he had had the audacity to remind his readers that Egypt, which is indeed located on the African continent, was not only white and Mediterranean. This common-sense analysis created a scandal among French Egyptologists. Although this assertion is now taken for granted, it provoked such outrage that a conference was even organized in 1974 in Cairo to debate it. The outcome was a diplomatic Judgment of Solomon, and the report, written by Jean Devisse, was published in full in General History of Africa, Vol. 2, UNESCO.
During this same time, the first person to become an agrégé in African history, namely the Burkinabé Joseph Ki-Zerbo (1922–2006), published the fruit of ten years of research: A History of Africa (Une Histoire de l’Afrique) (1972) was the first of its kind in the French language, with a preface written by Fernand Braudel (1902–1985). This remains today a quality work, despite the half-century of discoveries that have followed it. Finally, Africans passionate about history could see themselves represented in a first-rate journal, Présence africaine, founded in Paris in 1947 by a determined African Antillean team, under the direction of the Senegalese Alioune Diop (1910–1980). Diop had been behind the first international conference of black writers and artists, at the Sorbonne, held in 1956. Although the journal was primarily literary, it gave significant space to history written by Africans, both francophone and anglophone, as it had been bilingual from the beginning.1
The Dakar historians thus had a heritage. They remained, during all of those years, active francophone African historians, welcoming other francophones well: Barry himself was a Guinean who had fled the regime of Sekou Touré, such as Thierno Moktar Ba, and Mody Cissoko had done the same from Mali. From that point forward, the Dakar Department of History remained generally recognized for its cohesion, and for the good relationships that prevailed between its colleagues, despite their sometimes divergent positions. Everyone respected the position and the opinions of his or her colleagues. This also assured its independence in relation to the government in power, and it distinguished the University of Dakar from most other francophone university history departments, where there was a strong temptation to become the “prince’s adviser.” In Dakar, history was taught and written independent of, and sometimes against, the government (as in 1968). Cheikh Anta Diop, a researcher at IFAN (Institut fondamental d’Afrique noire), also taught there, although President Léopold Sédar Senghor never allowed him to become an official professor. His influence continued to be decisive in the field of Ancient History, in which the major interest was, and for a long time remained, the link between ancient Egypt and “black” Africa. This interest was steered by Professor Lam, who was closely tied to Cheikh Anta Diop. For other historical periods, on the other hand, history was above all, and for a long time, regional. Nearly the entire region of Senegambia was covered by the work of instructor-researchers and their doctoral students, including periods both before and after colonization. All of these works, which were rarely published, were kept in the department’s library. Years later, this allowed Boubacar Barry to write an overview of them in a work that confirmed his international stature.2
All of these works, consisting mostly of unedited monographs, fall into two main categories: early African history relating to the precolonial period and gathered from oral sources, some of which will have certainly been lost today, and the economic and social, or even political and military, history of Africa at the time of colonial government. These manuscripts (along with a few dissertations of great worth which have been published sporadically by the French publisher Karthala and, in more sustained fashion, by L’Harmattan) proved an important point: namely that this history, even though it was often factual—perhaps factually overloaded—and insufficiently theorized, contains a wealth of new information. These dissertations were written over several generations by African historians writing from an African point of view. Compared with this mass of documentation, the number of written works produced by French or British historians is almost negligible in terms of quantity. Today, only the range of writings by African Americans and the African diaspora can compete with them.
As is the case everywhere, it is about one’s own continent that one accumulates the most knowledge. Yet probably more than anywhere else, African historians orient nearly the totality of their knowledge around Africa, aware as they are of the gaps that have accumulated over time. Admittedly, they have often stayed within a history that was more national than regional or thematic, but this focus has begun to diversify. Moreover, they have at their disposal a research tool that remains deficient among a large number of African historians on other continents (with the exception of the United States where it is obligatory, in order to specialize in African studies, to have studied at least one language from the African continent): namely, language, or rather, languages. Senegalese youth already possess a maternal language, and often several. A student, with some exceptions, will additionally conduct his or her studies in a language of colonial origin. On top of this, a young francophone researcher, like his French homologues, needs to acquire knowledge of the English language. The more varied one’s linguistic competencies, the more informed the researcher will be regarding different research trends. From this point of view, the real scientific revolution in Africa has been, for at least the past decade, technological globalization. The libraries are rather lacking, but African documentation is rapidly multiplying. The only remaining obstacle is access to electricity, as “selective power cuts” are increasing in the large cities, including Dakar, even though they have tended to decrease following the departure of President Abdoulaye Wade. However, the exponential rise of cellphones partially makes up for this deficit. In general, the education sector in Africa places a lot of hope in the so-called “third generation” cellphones, that is to say, in the ones that can do everything, or nearly everything. From this perspective, in opening out onto the world, globalizing the means of communication is for Africa an extraordinary conquest.
This technological revolution doubles as an incomparable international research network: that of the global diaspora of researchers. With French universities being particularly reluctant to welcome African historians, even though this is not the case for other disciplines in the social sciences (political science, sociology, even prehistoric archaeology), some of the most well-known francophone historians have crossed the Atlantic: the Senegalese Mamadou Diouf is at Columbia University (as is his compatriot, the philosopher Souleïmane Bachir Diagne); the Senegalese Mohamed Mbodj is at Manhattanville College in northern New York; and the sociologist Abdoulaye Gueye is at the University of Toronto.3 They were among the first Senegalese to leave for North America. Since then, the list has obviously grown; however, these new generations that are based in the United States went there directly, without, or rarely, passing through France for their PhD. This includes very few historians (Cheikh Anta Babou, University of Pennsylvania), but rather anthropologists and linguists, such as Fallou Ngom (Boston University), Omar Ka (University of Maryland–Baltimore), Sana Camara (Truman State University), and Babacar Mbaye (Kent State University), among many others. To the extent that this group then remained in the United States (only the linguist Omar Ka returned to Dakar), it represents more a case of a Senegalese American School than of the Dakar School of historians as it was defined during the time period with which I have been concerned. The majority go back and forth between their university of origin and other universities.
Finally, a large role is played by a pan-state organization for social science research: the CODESRIA. This institute, based in Dakar, is bilingual (English and French), but it is also lusophone and Arabic speaking, and carries out translations into African languages (notably Swahili). It is a research organization that is multiplying into pan-African networks; each year, its research subjects are renewed, and its publications reflect the results of this new research. Of particular note is the research done in Dakar under the aegis of CODESRIA, on local Arabic-language sources. This was begun relatively recently, in light of the absence, at the time, of francophone Arabists specializing in sub-Saharan Africa (which is no longer the case in Senegal universities). On the anglophone side, John Owen Hunwick taught at the University of Ghana from 1969 until 1981. In contrast, in France, the first university professor to specialize in African Islam, Jean-Louis Triaud, officially became a professor in 1995, in Aix-en-Provence. He trained the first francophone African historians. It wasn’t until 2003 that Ousmane Kane brought to light the existence, in sub-Saharan Africa, of a substantial number of intellectuals who wrote in Arabic, or in African languages using Arabic characters. The African Muslim Library contains records of African Arabic authors going back to the medieval period, classical works on Islamic learning written by Arabic authors and circulated in Africa, and finally texts produced by African authors. A significant portion of this library consists of manuscripts whose collection, begun by Hunwick, continues to grow. These ancient networks of intellectual training reveal the system of symbols through which they were able to criticize the African political and social order during the precolonial period.4
The latest publications are now systematically made available online in full text versions (search for “full text CODESRIA publications”), as are more targeted texts, online monographs created to open up discussions.
A well-established bilingual quarterly journal focuses on Africa and Development (Afrique et Développement) and another journal, more specifically historical, persists in a more modest form, after having taken over from Africa Zamani. It reflects the activities of the Association of African Historians (AHA, l’Association des Historiens africains), which holds occasional high-quality pan-African conferences. The journal has been online since 2001–2002 (from numbers 9 and 10 to number 17), even though the editor has recently fallen behind schedule.
In short, the pan-African (and no longer strictly national) output appears to be alive and well, despite difficulties which have been encountered. This is made clear by some special editions of Afrique et Développement: “Fourth Generation African Scholars” (vol. 33, no. 1, 2008); “Selected Papers from the 12th CODESRIA General Assembly” (vol. 35, no. 4, 2010); and “The African Public Sphere: Concepts, Histories, Voices and Processes” (vol. 37, no. 1, 2012).
New Avenues and Primary Sources
The research subjects have become diverse. Today’s Dakar historians, several of whom frequently travel around the world, continue to open new avenues of research: on the histories of deviants, violence, and more recently of slavery (subjects that were taboo on the continent fifteen years ago, but that have exploded under the direction of Ibrahima Thoub); on sociological and political history (Mamadou Diouf); on cultural history, dance, music (Adrien Benga); on gender studies (Penda Mbow); on transcultural identities; and recently, and with particular enthusiasm, on the rejection of ethnicity.5 It should be noted that it was two Senegalese scholars, formerly of Dakar, who introduced for historians Edward Said’s subaltern and postcolonial studies to France: Mamadou Diouf and, the year before, Mohamed Mbodj.6
The general trend is that of a reappropriation of history, or rather of the writing of history. Not that this writing is fundamentally different, necessarily: considering the increasing mobility of researchers, particularly in the new generations, a certain number of international African historians do not see themselves as different (not any more so than their foreign colleagues), nor do they think that their history is, at its essence, different from others. But they reappropriate it for themselves insofar as they no longer need others, or the gaze of others, in order to write it. They now know that they are the most numerous, and that they are often at least as skilled as anyone else, if not more so. They thus intend to write history their own way; they appreciate being able to discuss their histories between themselves, during increasingly frequent pan-African meetings, especially (but not only) in Dakar. The younger university of Saint Louis may also emerge as more innovative. African historians remain, for the most part, at once welcoming and skeptical: it is out of the question to consent to the paternalistic gaze inherited from the colonial era. Because most are now well aware of international trends, they must also fight against the “provincialism” of a certain number of their students. These students are sometimes unreasonably steeped in an “Afrocentric” vision of history derived from a deformation of “Cheikh Anta Diopian” thought that relies on insufficient cultural baggage.
The means at their disposal are still very deficient. They are disadvantaged at the level of higher education, which poses a problem for the replacement of the elites in the future. They are less disadvantaged in terms of research, which has become more and more international. Senegalese researchers are wonderfully adept at collaborating with foreign research organizations, and even with their own government (even when they are opposed to it), in order to make the most of opportunities. But they do it for themselves, and preferably with relatively disinterested institutions: non-governmental organizations, Swedish and Danish collaborators, even the Agence universitaire de la Francophonie (AUF) or the African Union. The American institution known as WARC (West African Research Center), whose director is Senegalese, works hand in hand with university researchers in Dakar, on very dynamic projects: everything is worth doing in order to obtain the best possible result—as is the case across the world, for that matter, for all underfunded research organizations. Considering the remarkable achievements that have been realized with relatively little means, the researchers are exhausting themselves, but they work and they produce—not everyone, of course, but the best—in a manner that their Western homologues cannot but admire, being themselves often incapable of doing the same. That having been said, the francophone historians are less published than their anglophone counterparts, and it is by consulting their current works, still all too often unedited, that one is able to evaluate their contributions. For this, the website of the Department of History at the University of Dakar can be a valuable resource. Launched by Ibrahima Thioub, who has since become president of the university, the website is intended to provide online access to already defended doctoral and master’s dissertations, as well as to works that are sometimes unknown outside of the library (this hasn’t yet been accomplished).
Nevertheless, a promising sign is the reappearance of national and local publishing houses (several had existed at the time of independence), which enable on-site distribution, at much more accessible prices than for works imported from France. Ultimately, there is no reason to be pessimistic about the quality of francophone historical production, especially considering that both local and international meetings and research conferences are becoming more numerous, as well as being made increasingly accessible online.
Diop, Momar-Coumba, ed. Le Sénégal contemporain. Paris: Karthala, 2003.Find this resource:
Diop, Momar-Coumba and Mamadou Diouf, eds. Les Figures du politique en Afrique: des pouvoirs hérités aux pouvois élus. CODESRIA & Karthala, 2000.Find this resource:
Diop, Momar-Coumba, and Mamadou Diouf. Le Sénégal sous Abdou Diouf. État et société. CREPOS & Karthala, 2010.Find this resource:
Gueye, Mbaye L’Afrique et l’esclavage: Une étude sur la traite négrière Paris : Martinsart, 1983.Find this resource:
Iniesta, Ferran. “À propos de l'École de Dakar. Modernité et tradition dans l'œuvre de Cheikh Anta Diop.” In Le Sénégal contemporain. Edited by Momar-Coumba Diop, 91–107. Paris: Karthala, 2002.Find this resource:
Kane, Coudy. La quête identitaire chez les écrivains de la moyenne vallée du fleuve Sénégal. Dakar, L’Harmattan Sénégal, 2010.Find this resource:
Kane, Ousmane. Les Intellectuels Africains Non-Europhones. Dakar: Codesria, 2002.Find this resource:
Kane, Seydou Oumar, ed. Les États-nations face à l’intégration régionale en Afrique de l’ouest: Le cas du Burkina Faso. Paris: Karthala, 2008.Find this resource:
Mbow, Penda. “Intellectuels et pouvoirs politiques dans le monde musulman. Exemples Songhaï et Mamluk (XIVe-XVe siècles).” Annales de la Faculté des Lettres et Sciences humaines 89 (1988).Find this resource:
Ngom, Fallou. Muslims Beyond the Arab World: The Odyssey of Ajami and the Muridiyya. New York: Oxford University Press, 2016.Find this resource:
Ngom, Fallou. “West African Manuscripts in Arabic and African Languages and Digital Preservation. Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History. Oxford University Press, June 2017.Find this resource:
Sarr, Ousmane. L’évincement du monde: travail, sujet, alienation. Paris: L’Harmattan, 2015.Find this resource:
Thioub, Ibrahima. “L’Ecole de Dakar et la production d’une écriture académique de l’histoire.” In Le Sénégal contemporain. Edited by Momar-Coumba Diop, 109–154. Paris: Karthala, 2002.Find this resource:
Thioub, Ibrahima. “L'école historique de Dakar: courants et débats.” In L’Afrique de Sarkozy: un déni d’histoire. Edited by Jean-Pierre Chrétien. Pierre Boilley, and Achille Mbembe, 167–177. Paris: Karthala, 2008.Find this resource:
Historiens Sénégalais: Abdoulaye Ly, Abdoulaye Bathily, Iba Der Thiam, Mamadou Diouf, Boubacar Barry, Oumar Kane, Penda Mbow, Hamady Bocoum, Université de Daka : Books LLC, 2010.Find this resource:
Universitaires Sénégalais: Khadi Fall, Abdoulaye Bathily, Iba Der Thiam, Mamadou Diouf, Massar Diallo, Boubacar Barry, Oumar Kane, Madior Diouf. Université de Dakar Books LLC, 2010.Find this resource:
(1.) Valentin Mudimbe, ed., The Surreptitious Speech. Presence Africaine and the Politics of Otherness 1947–1987 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).
(2.) Boubacar Barry, la Sénégambie du 15e au 19e siècle (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1988). An English translation was published in 1997.
(3.) French universities rightly prided themselves on the Congolese Elikia M’Bokolo’s presence at the EHESS (Ecole des hautes Etudes en Sciences sociales). The historian, who has had French nationality for the past thirty years, has been in France since he began his university studies, and remains so today, in retirement.
(5.) Ibrahima Thioub, “Regard critique sur les lectures africaines de l’esclavage et de la traite atlantique critique,” in Les Historiens africains et la mondialisation, ed. I. Mande and B. Stefanson (Paris: Karthala, 2005); Ibrahima Thioub, “L’esclavage et les traites en Afrique occidentale: entre mémoires et histoires,” in Petit précis de remise à niveau sur l’histoire africaine à l’usage du Président Sarkozy, ed. Adame Ba Konare, 201–214 (Paris: La Découverte, 2009); Ibrahima Thioub, “L’Ecole de Dakar et la production d’une écriture académique de l’histoire,” in Le Sénégal contemporain, ed. Momar-Coumba Diop, 109–154 (Paris: Karthala, 2002); Mamadou Diouf, Le Kajoor au XIXe siècle (Paris: Karthala, 1989); Mamadou Diouf, Le Sénégal sous Abdou Diouf (Paris: Karthala, 1990); Mamadou Diouf, Une histoire du Sénégal: le modèle islamo-wolof et ses périphéries (Paris: Maisonneuve & Larose, 2001); Mamadou Diouf, Historians and Histories, What For: African Historiography Between the State and the Communities (Amsterdam: SEPHIS–CSSSC, 2002); Mamadou Diouf, ed., Tolerance, Democracy and Sufis in Senegal New York: Columbia University Press, 2013); Livio Sansone, Boubacar Barry, Elisée Soumonni, and Mamadou Diouf, eds., La construction transatlantique d’identités noires: entre Afrique et Amérique (Paris: Karthala/Séphis, 2010); and Mamadou Fall, Les terroirs de la Sénégambie entre l’épée et le croissant: Xe—XXe siècles (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2017).
(6.) Mamadou Diouf, L’historiographie indienne en débat. Colonialisme, nationalisme et sociétés postcoloniales (Paris: Karthala-Sephis, 1999); and Mohamed Mbodj, “Conclusion”, in Des historiens africains en Afrique: logiques du passé et dynamiques actuelles [C’est l’Harmattan et c’est écrit] (Paris: L’Harmattan, laboratoire Tiers-Mondes, Afrique, 1998), 351–355.