Prisoners, Ransoms, and Slavery in the Maghrib
Summary and Keywords
The topic of prisoners, ransoms, and slavery in the Maghrib (that is, the lands of the Islamic west—the area that today encompasses North Africa, and historically, also the regions of Iberia and Sicily that came under Muslim rule) is of considerable chronological and geographical scope extending from the earliest establishment of Islamic rule in the region during the second half of the 7th century, persisting to the final decades of the 20th century, and enslaving or otherwise taking prisoner peoples from areas as geographically diverse as West Africa, the southern coastal regions of Europe, and as far north as Ireland and Iceland. The practice of slavery and the taking of prisoners in the Maghrib are thus of substantial historical significance. Yet, it is only in comparatively recent times that this complex topic has drawn the attention of scholars. Therefore, our understanding of slavery and the taking of prisoners in the Maghrib, especially during the medieval period, remains in its incipience.
The Terminology for Slavery in Islam
The terminology for slaves and slavery in Islam is largely of Arabic origin. The most frequently used terms for male slaves include ‘abd (pl. ‘abid), mamluk (pl. mamalik), raqiq, ghulam (pl. ghilman), raqaba (“neck”), and the circumlocution ma malakat aymanukum (“that which your right hand possesses”). The first of these terms, ‘abd, is the one most commonly used in the Maghrib, as it is elsewhere in the Islamic world. It should be noted that in common parlance the term ‘abd also denotes a worshipper, and in this sense it has an alternate plural form, ‘ibad. For female slaves, the Arabic terms are ama, jariya, wasifa, and khadima. The institution of slavery in Islam is designated riqq or, less frequently, ‘ubudiyya. A slave owner is termed mawla (“patron”), sayyid (“master”), or malik (“owner”), the first of these terms being the most widely used in the lands of the Islamic west.1
Prisoners are most frequently designated in Arabic as asir (pl. asra) and hostages as rahina (pl. raha’in). The ransom offered in exchange for a hostage is termed fida’. Interestingly, it should be observed that the term fida’ is not limited to the practice of ransoming individuals taken hostage, as it signifies more broadly a willingness to undertake sacrifice in the performance of a religious obligation.
The Practice of Slavery in Pre-Islamic Arabia
That slavery was practiced in Arabia prior to the advent of Islam is incontrovertible. Slaves sold in the markets of Mecca were drawn largely from the region of Ethiopia, thus their frequent designation habasha (i.e., Abyssinian), and it appears that Bilal, the first muezzin in Islam responsible for making the call to prayer, was, prior to his conversion, a manumitted slave of Ethiopian origin. It seems not unlikely that the holding and ransoming of captives was common practice among the nomadic Bedouin tribes of western Arabia prior to the hijra in 622. An indication of the marginal social status assigned to slaves or to the offspring of a union between a free man and a captive female during the pre-Islamic period is given in the tale of the Arabian warrior poet ‘Antara, the son of a Bedouin freeman and an Ethiopian slave. In the tale, ‘Antara must perform a host of heroic deeds before his father will recognize him as his legitimate offspring.2
Islam and Slavery
Despite the frequently invoked sentiment among Muslim scholars that the basic condition of humanity is freedom, it can be stated unequivocally that Islam allows slavery. The abundant writings on the topic of slaves, found largely in manuals of Islamic law where slaves are dealt with primarily under the rubric of sales and commercial transactions, never call into question the legitimacy of holding slaves or participating in their sale. Instead, as has often been observed, Islam has sought to ensure that slaves are treated humanely and to mitigate any suffering the practice of slavery may occasion. A fine example of this attitude is found in QIV:36 in which believers are enjoined to show kind treatment to slaves. A slaveholder is thus encouraged to share his food with his slaves, to avoid giving them overly burdensome tasks, and to forgive them for any mistakes they may have made in carrying out their tasks. Concerning the slave, Islamic legal literature emphasizes that the slave is expected to show loyalty to his master and that he can expect to be shown special favor in the next world if he provides his master with wise counsel.3
If a slaveholder is unable to provide for the physical maintenance of his slaves, Islamic doctrine holds that he must free them. The same applies if the slaveholder is known to have physically mutilated his slaves. Beyond this requirement, it was recommended that Muslims manumit their slaves either as a meritorious act or in expiation for crimes such as perjury or unintentional homicide, as well as for more minor offenses such as prematurely breaking the fast during Ramadan. Finally, it was not uncommon for a slave owner to manumit a number of his slaves either as he approached death or to make provision for their manumission following his death in the hope that this act would prepare his path to Paradise. The regulations governing the manumission of slaves are given in considerable detail in Islamic legal literature, and this is the case for the Muwatta’ of Malik ibn Anas (d. 796), one of the earliest Islamic legal manuals that played a central role in the elaboration of Islamic law in North Africa. Paradoxically, this emphasis on the freeing of slaves, undertaken as a means of making amends or showing piety, ensured the need for a continuous supply of slaves from external sources, either captured in war or imported commercially from non-Islamic lands. The resultant slave trade, extensive in scope and frequently inhuman in its workings, had the effect of undermining the Islamic emphasis on humane treatment of slaves.
Interestingly, Islamic law allows Muslims to be held as slaves by their co-religionists. This situation occurred principally when a non-Muslim slave converted to Islam, in which case his status as a slave continued, as did that of his offspring, whether Muslim or non-Muslim. Muslim slaves were responsible for performing Islamic religious duties; however, the necessarily curtailed freedom of movement of slaves more often than not limited their ability to partake in such canonical obligations as the communal Friday prayer, the pilgrimage, and jihad. The duty of alms giving (zakat), especially the alms given following the month-long Ramadan fast (zakat al-fitr), was likewise frequently beyond the financial means of the Muslim slave, and the obligation was considered to devolve to his owner. The ability of a Muslim slave to hold an office of authority, the leader of communal prayer, for example, formed a topic of considerable debate among religious scholars, the consensus being that a qualified slave could indeed hold an office of authority provided no Muslim freeman was available to assume the office.4
The Role of Slaves in Islamic Society
It is widely believed that most of the slaves brought into the Islamic world, especially those coming from sub-Saharan Africa, were employed in domestic service, and the majority of these, perhaps as many as two-thirds, were women. Popular lore in the Islamic world viewed female slaves of Berber, Nubian, and Abyssinian origin as especially well suited for domestic service. Those of Greek background were considered to be trustworthy with household valuables. Conversely, female slaves of Armenian and Indian origin were largely discounted from domestic service since popular wisdom held that they did not adapt well to slave status. Muslim males who owned female slaves were legally entitled to engage in sexual relations with them, and while not all female slaves were called upon to provide sexual services for their masters, the institution of concubinage was practiced on a wide scale in the Islamic world. Unlike the regulations governing marriage in Islam, there was no legal limit to the number of concubines a man might have in his household; however, certain regulations that applied to marriage, prohibition of marriage to two or more sisters simultaneously, for example, applied equally to concubinage.
Far from being a detrimental institution, concubinage allowed women held in slavery to improve their lot in life, sometimes significantly so, if they bore children with their masters. If a female slave showed an especially fine intelligence, her master, provided he was wealthy, might arrange for her to receive an extensive literary or musical education. She would then be employed for the entertainment, if not beguilement, of refined company.5 A concubine who bore children with her master was exempt from being sold and was, in most cases, considered free upon the death of her master. Further, the children a concubine bore with her master were considered free, and there is ample evidence that the sons produced by concubines often rose to positions of prominence in Islamic society. Indeed, many notable Muslim sovereigns were the offspring of concubines, and it seems not improbable that such women, originally of slave status, were able to wield considerable authority over the population that had once enslaved them. A fine example is the Fatimid Caliph al-Mustansir (r. 1036–1094), the longest reigning of the Fatimid sovereigns, whose mother was a Sudanese concubine. Since al-Mustansir was only seven when he assumed rule, it is likely that his mother, alongside the Jewish merchant who arranged her sale to the royal harem, played no small role in overseeing the affairs of the Fatimid state, one of the most powerful in the eastern Mediterranean, for at least the first decade of his reign, if not longer.
Male slaves in the Islamic world performed a wide range of duties. Many were used to cultivate the fields of their masters, though Islam largely avoided the massive rural exploitation of an enslaved labor force that characterized the southern United States in the 17th and 18th centuries. One notable exception occurred during the second half of the 9th century when the ‘Abbasid state attempted to revivify the marshlands of southern Iraq using a large contingent of slaves imported from the eastern coast of Africa. The ‘Abbasid project ultimately ended in failure following the revolt of these slaves, known collectively as the Zanj, against the harsh working conditions that had been imposed on them.6
Among the domestic duties assigned to male slaves in the Islamic world, the extensive reliance on eunuchs, drawn almost exclusively from slaves imported from foreign lands, merits special attention. Known in Arabic as khasi (castrate) or tawash (eunuch) or, more euphemistically, as khadim (servant), eunuchs appear to have been initially recruited from Iberia, whence they were exported to serve in the palaces and affluent households of cities as distant as Baghdad and Basra. Eunuchs were subsequently drawn from slaves of African origin, Nubians and Ethiopians most notably, and those who survived the amputation of their manhood were frequently entrusted with especially sensitive positions. Among these positions were the custodianship of the Prophet’s tomb in Medina and oversight of the female harems of wealthy households in the central Islamic lands. This corpus of eunuchs originated largely among the slaves being transported from Darfur in the Sudan to Cairo, with as many as 200 boys, typically eight to twelve years in age, chosen in a given year for castration. The operation was carried out in Upper Egypt, either at Abu Tig or in the village of Zawiyat al-Dayr in the province of Asiyut, most often by Coptic monks. Eunuchs of African origin were frequently fully castrated “level with the abdomen,” whereas those of European origin were not exposed to the same level of mutilation and retained the ability to perform intercourse, some among them taking concubines or wives.
Castrated youth could expect to fetch double the price of their unmutilated cohorts, and they were destined to spend their lives, often in considerable opulence, serving as guardians of the women’s quarters of wealthy households in cities such as Tunis, Alexandria, Cairo, Damascus, and Istanbul. A number were also sent as a form of annual tribute to the overseers of the noble sanctuaries of the Hijaz. Despite their humble origins, black eunuchs, perhaps alone among slaves from African lands, were able to attain positions of considerable prestige in the Islamic world. Owing to their role as guardians of important religious sites in Mecca and Medina and as protectors of female honor in the households in which they served, such eunuchs frequently became the object of veneration among their host population.7
Slavery in North Africa
Of relevance to the practice of slavery in medieval North Africa was the annual tribute of Nubian slaves sent northward to Egypt. This institution, known as the baqt, was quite likely the continuation of an ancient practice. Alongside the network of trans-Saharan trade routes that brought slaves northward, it assured an almost uninterrupted influx of enslaved black Africans into North Africa. Augmenting this source of slaves was the practice of Muslim piracy in the western Mediterranean, often legitimated as holy war against the Christian infidel. Over the course of several centuries, this practice assured the supply of captive Europeans, destined for enslavement, into the lands of the medieval Maghrib. However, as the fortunes of Islam in the western Mediterranean declined in the late Middle Ages, the incidence of Muslims taken captive on the high seas grew more frequent. Their appearance in the lands of Mediterranean Christendom, Spain most prominently, increased. Reduced to slavery, they, not unlike the cohort of Christians enslaved in North Africa, were often forced to perform labor until they were either ransomed or gradually absorbed into the local population, following their conversion to Christianity.8
The growth of Ottoman naval supremacy in the eastern Mediterranean in the sixteenth century witnessed the concomitant appearance of the so-called Barbary pirates in the waters of the western Mediterranean. Their piracy and privateering activity across a remarkably large swath of the Mediterranean and the Atlantic was given a dubious legality under the guise of jihad. The Europeans and, occasionally, North Americans, seized by the Barbary pirates were held captive primarily at Algiers, but also at Tunis and Tripoli. They were divided between those who were held temporarily for ransom, often in some comfort, and those who were destined for prolonged captivity, sometimes lasting several decades, in unceasing misery, either as oarsmen in the galleys that had taken them captive or as slave labor toiling in the North African hinterland. Algiers in the mid-17th century held some 2000 European captives, most of whom were consigned to subsisting in wretched conditions in several baignos (i.e., bath houses) across the city.9 The ransom of these prisoners proved an especially lucrative industry; several liberationist Christian orders undertook embassies to North Africa with the goal of ransoming, frequently with the assistance of Jewish intermediaries, their co-religionists being held captive in Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. By the early 19th century, increased European dominance of the Mediterranean had severely diminished the activity of the Barbary pirates, and the French conquest of Algeria in the 1830s put an effective end to their endeavors.10
Slavery in North Africa in the Modern Period
The traffic of enslaved black Africans in North Africa persisted into the first half of the 20th century, with Morocco playing a prominent role. Indeed, so sizeable was the Moroccan share in the trans-Saharan slave trade that the ‘Alawi potentate Mulay Isma‛il (r. 1672–1727) was able to raise an army composed exclusively of black slaves. This sizeable military contingent was known as the ‘abid Bukhari for the oath of loyalty its members took not on the Qur’an, but on the collection of hadith compiled by the traditionist Muhammad al-Bukhari (d. 870). The ‘Alawi ruler felt they were a more effective and reliable fighting force than the Berber tribesmen of the Atlas Mountains. Indeed, Mulay Isma‛il made use of the ‘abid Bukhari, who were loyal to him alone, to subdue the frequently rebellious Berber tribes that surrounded his newly constructed capital city at Meknes. The significant place of this black slave army in the early consolidation of ‘Alawi rule over Morocco merits further study. In particular, still unanswered is the question of why the Arab ‘Alawis chose to rely almost exclusively on the ‘abid Bukhari as they expanded their rule from the Tafilelt oasis into the largely Berber-inhabited regions of the Atlas Mountains.11 The fate of the ‘abid Bukhari likewise remains open to question, as does the degree to which their offspring have maintained a presence among the retinue of the ruling ‘Alawi family in contemporary Morocco.
The French colonial occupation of North Africa appears to have made the trade in black slaves less conspicuous rather than bringing it to an end entirely. This was due in part to the fact that many of France’s political allies, especially in Algeria, held slaves for domestic service, and strict abolition of slavery would have potentially damaged these alliances. Black slaves thus continued to arrive in North Africa, exported across the Sahara in caravans originating for the most part in Timbuktu. Their sale was conducted, as it had been for several centuries, at the markets known as birka (lit. “pond”) in Fez and Rabat. Similar markets existed in the early 20th century in Tunis and as recently as the 1950s in the Saharan city of Ghadames. There Tuareg nomads would sell captive blacks, both male and female, to Arab merchants, who would then oversee the distribution and sale of these slaves, who most often were destined for a life of domestic servitude in the large urban centers of North Africa.12 This trade, dormant for the past five decades, was recently revived amid the collapse of centralized authority and ensuing political chaos that engulfed Libya following the overthrow of Muammar al-Qaddafi in 2011. Little is known of the extent of this reactivated slave trade in Libya, other than the fact that it involved the capture and sale at auction of a sizeable cohort of sub-Saharan Africans, many from Nigeria, during their transit across Libya in hopes of migrating to the northern shores of the Mediterranean.
The question of the identity of the slave merchants who oversaw the transport of African slaves across the Sahara is complex. It has been estimated that every slave transported across the Sahara passed through the hands of eight to ten masters, among whom were Arabs, Tebu, Fulani, Hausa, Kanuri, and also Europeans. There is no doubt that the Tuareg played a signal role in this venture. In addition to their principal function of managing the transport of slaves across the desert, the Tuareg actively engaged in slave hunting, primarily among the Bambara population of Mali, and raiding passing slave caravans belonging to Arab and Tebu merchants.13 The Tuareg also frequently held slaves of African origin for their own use. Slavery as practiced by the Tuareg shows several distinct features, salient among which is the willingness to incorporate slaves into the rather intricate social structures of Tuareg families and clans. Under this pattern of family assimilation, a Tuareg holding slaves is considered the parent of those slaves; despite this questionable “parentage.” However, it is questionable whether slaves enjoyed the same rights and privileges as other members of a household. Having reached old age, and thus no longer economically profitable, slaves held by the Tuareg were typically “freed”—that is, forced out of the family. With nowhere to go, they were often reduced to a wretched existence, subsisting alongside livestock owned by the Tuareg. Aside from this practice of “freeing” elderly slaves, slavery as practiced among the Tuareg was relatively humane. Any hardship or privation suffered by Tuareg slaves was most often the result of the difficult natural environment in which they lived rather than any cruelty intentionally inflicted by their masters.14
Discussion of the Literature
The topic of prisoners, ransom, and slavery in North Africa is a comparatively recent field of research. Bernard Lewis’s essay Race and Color in Islam (1970)15 provided the initial impetus for historians to undertake an exploration of slaveholding in Islamic societies. The fruits of these early endeavors were apparent some two decades later, especially in the edited volume The Human Commodity (1992),16 which presented a wealth of information on the routes, mechanisms, and statistical data of the slave trade from sub-Saharan Africa to the Maghrib. John Willis played a central role in elucidating the doctrinal basis for slaveholding in West Africa and its subsequent extension to the markets of North Africa. His essay on the institution of jihad and its role in the slave trade, contained in the edited volume Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa (1985),17 is a vital contribution to understanding the relation between jihad and slaveholding in the lands of the Islamic west. More popular accounts have appeared in the wake of these earlier works, most notably Ronald Segal’s Islam’s Black Slaves (2001).18 And while they do not possess the scholarly weight of their forebears, they nonetheless cover the topic of slavery in Islamic history in a highly accessible manner. North African scholars have begun to look in greater depth at the legacy of slavery in their own societies, and this has resulted in a number of well-researched monographs. Among them are Soldats, Domestiques et Concubines (1994) by Mohammed Ennaji19 and Black Morocco (2013) by Chouki El Hamel.20
The Tuareg pastoralists of North Africa have long been of interest to western scholars, and their intermediary role in the slave trade across the expanses of the Sahara has been elucidated in a series of academic articles. Most valuable among these articles are two studies, “Slavery and the Pastoral Twareg of Mali” (1984) by Michael Winter21 and “Tuareg Slavery and Slave Trade” (1981) by Priscilla Starrett.22 Both of these studies provide valuable insights into the practice of slaveholding among the Tuareg and the integral place of slaves in Tuareg society.
Interest in the history and practice of ransoming prisoners in the Maghrib has grown considerably since the start of the new millennium, no doubt because of political events in the Middle East and the North Africa region. The topic of the Barbary pirates has garnered particular attention. The study Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters (2003) by Robert Davis23 provides considerable detail on how the ransoming of European and American prisoners held in North Africa, Algeria most notably, during the 17th and 18th centuries was conducted. Given the growing interest in this topic and its relevance to political developments in the Maghrib, Libya most notably, one can anticipate a growing audience for additional studies on the subject to appear in the near future.
Of particular relevance for the practice of slavery in the lands of the Islamic west are the opinions of Malik bin Anas (d. 796) whose legal formulations, collected in a work known as the Muwatta’,24 provided the doctrinal foundation for the practice of slaveholding in the Maghrib. Malik’s legal opinions were commented upon and further developed by a number of later North African legal scholars, among them Sahnun al-Tanukhi (d. 854–5) and Ibn Abi Zayd al-Qayrawani (d. 996). Both of these figures wrote in Arabic, and their legal works were central in adapting Malik’s legal thought, developed originally in Medina, to a North African setting. Discussions of the treatment to be shown to slaves are found in their treatises. It is hoped that translations of these works into European languages will bring these discussions to a Western audience.
Austen, Ralph. Trans-Saharan Africa in World History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010.Find this resource:
Batran, Aziz Abdalla. “The ‘Ulama’ of Fas, M. Isma’il and the Issue of the Haratin of Fas.” In Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa. Edited by John Ralph Willis. 2 vols. London: Frank Cass, 1985. II: 1–15.Find this resource:
Ben Rejeb, Lotfi. “America’s Captive Freemen in North Africa: The Comparative Method in Abolitionist Persuasion.” Slavery and Abolition 9, no. 1 (1988): 57–71.Find this resource:
Brunschvig, Robert. “῾Abd.” In Encyclopedia of Islam, Second Edition. Edited by Peri J. Bearman, Wolfhart Heinrichs, et al. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 1960–2005.Find this resource:
Carrol, Kenneth. “Quaker Slaves in Algiers, 1679–1688.” Journal of the Friends Historical Society 54, no. 7 (1982): 301–312.Find this resource:
Crone, Patricia. Slaves on Horseback: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1980.Find this resource:
Davis, Robert. Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters: White Slavery in the Mediterranean, the Barbary Coast, and Italy, 1500–1800. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.Find this resource:
Dickson, C. H. “Account of Ghadamis.” Journal of the Royal Geographic Society 30 (1860): 255–260.Find this resource:
El Hamel, Chouki. Black Morocco: A History of Slavery, Race, and Islam. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013.Find this resource:
Ennaji, Mohammed. Soldats, Doméstiques, et Concubines: L’ésclavage au Maroc au XIXe siècle. Casablanca: Editions Eddif, 1994.Find this resource:
Friedman, Ellen. “Christian Captives at ‘Hard Labor’ in Algiers, 15th – 18th Centuries.” International Journal of African Studies 13, no. 4 (1980): 616–632.Find this resource:
Harrak, Fatima. “Captivity and Slavery in the Maghrib.” Journal of African History 41, no. 2 (2000): 304–306.Find this resource:
Hunwick, John, and Eve Trout Powell, eds. The African Diaspora in the Mediterranean Lands of Islam. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener, 2002.Find this resource:
Larquié, Claude. “Le Rachat des Chrétiens en Terre d’Islam au XVIIe Siècle.” Revue d’Histoire Diplomatique 94, no. 4 (1980): 297–351.Find this resource:
Lewis, Bernard. Race and Color in Islam. New York: Harper and Row, 1970.Find this resource:
Lewis, Bernard. Race and Slavery in the Middle East: An Historical Enquiry. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990.Find this resource:
Limam, Rashed. “Some Documents Concerning Slavery in Tunisia at the End of the 18th Century.” Revue d’Histoire Maghrébine 8, no. 2 (1981): 349–357.Find this resource:
Meyers, Allen. “Slave Soldiers and State Politics in Early ‘Alawi Morocco, 1668–1727.” International Journal of African Historical Studies 16, no. 1 (1983): 39–48.Find this resource:
Oualdi, M’hamed. “D’Europe et d’Orient: les approaches de l’ésclavage des chrétiens en terres d’Islam.” Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 63, no. 4 (2008): 829–843.Find this resource:
Savage, Elizabeth, ed. The Human Commodity: Perspectives on the Trans-Saharan Slave Trade. London: Frank Cass, 1992.Find this resource:
Segal, Ronald. Islam’s Black Slaves: The Other Black Diaspora. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2001.Find this resource:
Starratt, Priscilla Ellen. “Tuareg Slavery and Slave Trade.” Slavery and Abolition 2, no. 2 (1981): 83–113.Find this resource:
Valensi, Lucette. “Esclaves chrétiens et ésclaves noirs à Tunis au XVIIIe siècle.” Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 22, no. 6 (1967): 1267–1288.Find this resource:
Willis, John Ralph. “Jihad and the Ideology of Enslavement.” In Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa. 2 vols. London: Frank Cass, 1985. I: 16–26.Find this resource:
Winter, Michael. “Slavery and the Pastoral Twareg of Mali.” Cambridge Journal of Anthropology 9, no. 2 (1984): 4–30.Find this resource:
(1.) Robert Brunschvig, “῾Abd,” in The Encyclopedia of Islam, Second Edition, Peri J. Bearman et al., eds. (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 1960–2005), 1–3.
(2.) Bernard Lewis, Race and Color in Islam (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), 6–10.
(3.) Ronald Segal, Islam’s Black Slaves (New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 2001), 35–38.
(4.) Brunschvig, “῾Abd,” 10–15.
(5.) Brunschvig, 11–12.
(6.) Lewis, Race and Color, 31.
(7.) Brunschvig, “῾Abd,” 24.
(8.) Roger Collins, “The Nilotic Slave Trade,” in The Human Commodity: Perspectives on the Trans-Saharan Slave Trade, Elizabeth Savage, ed. (London: Frank Cass, 1992), 140–142.
(9.) Ellen Friedman, “Christian Captives at hard labor in Algiers, 16th–18th Centuries,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 13, no. 4 (1980): 626.
(10.) Robert Davis, Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 629.
(11.) Allen Meyers, “Slave Soldiers and State Politics in Early ‘Alawi Morocco, 1688–1727,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 16, no. 1 (1983): 45–46.
(12.) Segal, Islam’s Black Slaves, 180–183.
(13.) Martin Klein, “The Slave Trade in the Western Sudan during the Nineteenth Century,” in The Human Commodity: Perspectives on the Trans-Saharan Slave Trade, 50.
(14.) Priscilla Ellen Starratt, “Twareg Slavery and Slave Trade,” Slavery and Abolition 2, no. 2 (1981): 107–108.
(15.) Lewis, Race and Color in Islam.
(16.) Elizabeth Savage, ed., The Human Commodity: Perspectives on the Trans-Saharan Slave Trade (London: Frank Cass, 1992).
(17.) John Willis, ed., Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa (London: Frank Cass, 1985).
(18.) Ronald Segal, Islam’s Black Slaves (New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 1970).
(19.) Mohammed Ennaji, Soldats, Domestiques, et Concubines (Casablanca: Editions Eddif, 1994).
(20.) Chouki El Hamel, Black Morocco (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013).
(21.) Michael Winter, “Slavery and the Pastoral Twareg of Mali,” Cambridge Journal of Anthropology 9, no. 2 (1984): 4–30.
(22.) Starratt, “Tuareg Slavery and Slave Trade.”
(23.) Davis, Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters.
(24.) Malik bin Anas, al-Muwatta’ (Beirut, Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah, 2015).