Mainline of the Protestant Worship in Latin America
Summary and Keywords
The Latin American Christian worship service celebrated in most of Latin America until the beginning of the 19th century was Catholic, particularly the one that was prior to the Catholic Reformation or the Counter-Reformation. As of the 19th century, the Catholic worship lost its exclusiveness as a result of the incoming of immigrants and foreign missionaries. Among other worship services, there emerge those of the so-called ethnic Protestantism and of the mission endeavor. Latin American Protestantism was characterized as apologetic with regard to the relation with Roman Catholicism. Instigated by the goals of missionary work and the conversion of the Catholics, mission Protestantism tended to construct its worship identity as being “nonliturgical.” This identity can still be perceived in current times, especially in the Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal churches. The roots of the liturgical identity of Latin American Protestantism will be presented in this text, culminating in the liturgical renewal movement of the second half of the 20th century.
The Types of Latin American Protestantism in Their Contexts
From the time of the Spanish and Portuguese invasion in the late 15th century until the beginning of the 19th century, Christian worship in Latin America was basically that of pre-Tridentine Roman Catholicism, transported from the Iberian Peninsula and adapted to the realities of the New World. To this were added some elements of indigenous and African origin.
In the 16th and 17th centuries some attempts were made to break the Catholic hegemony in Latin America. The first occurred when French Calvinists established themselves in the Bay of Guanabarra (Rio de Janeiro), which they had reached on November 10, 1555, under the leadership of Vice Admiral Nicolas Durand de Villegagnon. In this joint project France was seeking new territories for colonization, and the Huguenots were looking for mission fields. A second expedition, consisting of around three hundred people, arrived on March 7, 1557. Of these immigrants, fourteen were Huguenots, two of them pastors. Three days after their arrival, Peter Richier and William Chartier celebrated the first Protestant worship on Brazilian soil; and on March 21 the first Lord’s supper according to the Calvinist rite was held. However, bad planning and internal theological disputes about the supper so weakened the project that the French ended up being totally expelled in 1567.1
In the 17th century, the French set up at São Luís do Maranhão in Brazil (1612–1615) and in Haiti, Guadeloupe, Martinique, and French Guyana. The French influence on worship in these contexts still needs to be investigated.
The efforts of the Dutch to establish themselves in Latin America were more significant. In 1624, while the Netherlands was at war with Spain, some Dutchmen landed in Bahia (Brazil), though they remained there only a year. Between 1630 and 1654, however, the Dutch settled in the northeast of Brazil, where they founded the city of Recife. These settlers included forty pastors and eight missionaries who were there to work among the Indians. But weakened by the Netherlands’ war against Spain and England, and soon also against France, the Dutch agreed to withdraw from Brazil.2 The stamp of Dutch Calvinism on worship in Brazil disappeared with the recovery of Portuguese Catholic hegemony. However, on some of the Caribbean islands and in Surinam, Dutch Calvinism influenced local worship in a permanent way.
The military defeat of France at the beginning of the 19th century resulted in the subjection of Spain and Portugal to British commercial power. Influenced by Enlightenment ideals, Britain decided to support the emancipation of the Latin American states. On the one hand, the Latin American governments wanted to maintain relations with Rome; on the other, they were obliged to tolerate non-Catholic populations. This gave rise to a “Josephinist” policy in Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile: non-Catholic religion could be professed only in private houses, which could not bear the outward appearance of a church with a cross, towers, or bells.3 The Brazilian imperial constitution of 1824 clearly stipulated that “the catholic and apostolic Roman religion will continue to be the religion of the Empire. All other religions will be permitted to practice domestic or private worship in houses intended for it, without any external form of a church.”
The British influence in Latin America opened the continent to liberal capitalism and turned the area into a market for British industrial products.4 This led to the establishment of British businesses in the principal cities of Latin America and to the founding of a certain number of Anglican communities. Thus Protestantism arose as a “byproduct” of capitalism. Moreover, British pressure, aiming to put an end to the slave trade, forced the Latin American governments to allow people from non-Catholic European countries to immigrate. In the 1820s this new workforce began the “whitening” of the populace, accompanied by the elimination of the indigenous peoples, the exploitation of the land, and the creation of a middle class.5 In this way, Latin America acquired Protestant populations that constituted immigrant or “transplanted” communities and churches, especially Anglicans from England and Lutherans, Reformed, and United from German-speaking countries in Europe (but also Missouri Synod Lutherans). A particular case was the Waldensians from the Alpine valleys.
In the second half of the 19th century, another type of Protestantism penetrated more strongly into Latin America. This came by way of missionaries from churches in the United States: Methodist, Presbyterian, Episcopalian, Congregationalist, and Baptist.6 As a result, Protestant worship in Latin America can be characterized according to its two origins as either European and immigrant or North American and missionary.
Three more types of church, less traditionally “Protestant,” deserve to be mentioned, although they will not be analyzed here. These are the Pentecostals, the neo-Pentecostals, and the transconfessional groups that have resulted from the breaking down of denominational walls.7
Worship in the Ethnic Churches
Anglicanism was introduced quite early into Jamaica (1665) and the Bahamas (1731). Later, as a result of increased commerce with Britain, the presence of English Anglicans spread through practically the entire continent. These Anglicans set about preparing buildings for the celebration of their worship. On August 12, 1819, the foundation stone was laid in Rio de Janeiro for the first, so far as is known, Protestant place of worship in Latin America.8 The English Anglicans brought with them the Book of Common Prayer that was used for worship both on the British ships anchored in port and at house services or, later on, in their churches. In 1861 part of the prayer book was translated into Portuguese by Richard Holden.9 After the official installation of the Anglican Church in Brazil (1890), a fuller translation was made from the prayer book of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States (1893). Only in 1930, however, was the first complete Book of Common Prayer produced in Brazil. A new version was published in 1984, which remains in use. The Hinário Episcopal was published in 1962.10
In the early 21st century there is no liturgical uniformity among Anglican congregations in Brazil, or in Latin America more generally. In southern Brazil, the Anglo-Catholic influence brings rituals and symbolism more into prominence: chasubles, candles, images, tabernacles, and so forth. In the northeastern regions, where Protestant influences are stronger, the congregations do not follow cultic forms and symbols so strictly. In the center of the country, congregations adopt both Protestant and Anglo-Catholic elements. Similar features can be observed in other Latin American contexts. In central Argentina and Uruguay, for example, congregations are more Anglo-Catholic in style and have adopted the Book of Common Prayer of the Episcopal Church in the United States, translated into Spanish. In northern Argentina, Paraguay, Bolivia, and Chile, the tendency is anti-Catholic, and the congregations use an adapted form of the English Prayer Book of 1662.
The Lutheran, Calvinist, and United Churches
The Lutheran, Reformed, and United churches in Latin America were formed in the 19th century by, in particular, the immigration of German-speaking people from Germany itself, Austria, Switzerland, and the Volga region of Russia. Settlement took place chiefly in Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, and Paraguay. In the other countries it was instead the resident business communities that constituted these churches.11 Because of confessional diversity, most of the first synods founded in Latin America opted for the broader name “Evangelical” rather than Lutheran, Reformed, or United. This diversity was reflected in the patterns and styles of worship, using different service books, catechisms, hymnals, and vestments and the presence or absence of liturgical objects, such as the crucifix, candles, paraments, and flowers on the altar.12
The book that found most acceptance and exercised a force for unity in worship was the Kirchenagenda für die Hof- und Domkirche in Berlin (1822).13 Originally formulated for the court and cathedral in Berlin, this church order was introduced especially into areas where the Church of the Prussian Union assumed direct or indirect responsibility for sending pastors to and supporting congregations in Latin America. This applied particularly to the ethnic churches: the Evangelical Church of the Lutheran Confession in Brazil (IECLB); the Evangelical Church of the River Plate (IERP)—that is, Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay; and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Chile (IELCH). The IECLB officially adopted the Prussian service book of 1822. It was translated into Portuguese in 1930, with the title Manual do Culto para uso nas Comunidades da Igreja Evangélica de Confissão Lutherana no Brasil.14
In the Spanish-speaking context, a book was produced in 1964 with the title Culto Cristiano that contains orders of worship, prayers, psalms, and hymns. This book went into use not only in congregations of the IERP and the IELCH but also in the great majority of Spanish-speaking Lutheran churches in Latin America. The IERP also uses a complete version of the Prussian book of 1822, a Spanish translation of which was begun in 1967 and finished in 1979.15
Since the 1980s, inspired by the movement for liturgical renewal that crossed confessional boundaries, there have also arisen a number of worship books of a provisional character. In the IECLB, these include Celebrações Litúrgicas (1986) and Celebrações do Povo de Deus (1991), and in the IERP, Pequeño Manual de Liturgia (2000).
The great variety of hymnals brought by the German-speaking immigrants from their different countries and provinces frequently presented problems for the choice of hymns in worship. The synods in the IECLB aimed at establishing some degree of liturgical uniformity, especially in hymnody, and in this connection, the late 19th century and early 20th century saw the introduction of such hymnals as the Evangelisches Gesangbuch für Rheinland und Westfalen, the Gesangbuch für die evangelisch-lutherische Kirche in Bayern, or the Evangelisches Hausbuch für Deutsche im Ausland. From around 1924, the Deutsches Evangelisches Gesangbuch für die Schutzgebiete und das Ausland (DEG, 1915) gradually found wider acceptance. It was replaced in 1949 by the Evangelisches Gesangbuch (of which a new edition was published in 1994). The prohibition of the German language at the height of the First and Second World Wars stimulated the translation and publication of hymnals in Portuguese. Hymnos da Igreja Lutherana was published in 1939, and this hymnal, titled from the second edition on Hinos da Igreja Evangélica, remained in use for about twenty years. The Hinário da Igreja Evangélica de Confissão Lutherana was published in 1964, and it retained the status of the official hymnal until it was replaced as such in 1981 by the still current Hinos do Povo de Deus (HPD, 1981). The HPD was criticized for its extensive dependence on decontextualized hymns, and the quest for more indigenous hymns led to the production of HPD-II in 2001.16
Prussian influence was felt also in the adoption by pastors of the talar or black robe that had been authorized by Frederick William III in 1811. This vestment served the cause of uniformity in worship until the late 20th century, but its exclusive use was broken, for example, by the authorization of the beige robe in the IERP in 1983. The same vestment was authorized in the IECLB in 1990, followed by the alb and the stole in 1994.17
In sum, the German, and particularly the Prussian, influence on this “immigrant” type of Protestant worship in Latin America is historically very strong.
The Missouri Synod Lutherans
Missouri Synod Lutherans have been present in Latin America since 1900. In some regions (Cuba, Mexico, El Salvador, and Panama), they came to do mission work, but in other places (Guatemala, Venezuela, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil) they benefited instead from crises within the immigrant Protestant communities.18
This type of Lutheranism is represented in Argentina by the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Argentina (IELA), and in Brazil, by the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil (IELB). At first, the IELB attracted the same type of members and communities as the IECLB—namely, German immigrants and their descendants. As with the IECLB, the great variety of catechisms, hymnals, and liturgical practices reflected the geographical and confessional variety among the IELB’s members. Their churches were generally simple, without towers or bells. Their pastors wore the black Prussian robe. Except during the final years of the First World War (1917–1918), German was the predominant language of worship until 1942, when during the Second World War it was again prohibited. Between 1900 and 1920, the Missouri Synod churches used—though not without some resistance from the congregations—the Missouri Synod’s Kirchen-Agende and the Kirchen-Gesangbuch für Evangelisch-Lutherische Gemeinden ungeänderter Augsburgischer Confession. The Portuguese-language Hinos e Orações was published in 1920; it was replaced in 1938 by the Hinário Luterano, which itself was published in enlarged editions in 1949, 1976, and 1986. All these hymnals included also orders of worship. The first of these were heavily dependent on the Kirchen-Agende. But from 1947 on, the liturgy employed was a literal translation from the North American Lutheran Liturgy by the Missouri Synod (1943). This order was maintained in 1986 but has been increasingly overtaken by one similar to that in the North American Lutheran Worship by the Missouri Synod (1982).19
In Central America, the Fellowship of Lutheran Churches (CILCA) published a Manual de Oficios (1995). This manual is based on North American Lutheran models and, to a lesser degree, on Culto Cristiano. It aims an “adaptation to the uses and customs of the region.”
Worship in the Missionary Churches
Congregationalists began work in Jamaica in 1837, in Brazil in 1855, and in other countries later still. In Brazil they had no official service book, and their style of worship resembled that of the Baptists.20 Their main contribution came by way of hymnology. Especially notable were Robert Reid Kalley (1809–1888) and Sarah Poulton Kalley (1825–1907).21 The hymnal produced by this married couple, Salmos e Hinos, contained translations from various authors and compositions by the Kalleys themselves. It served, to a greater or lesser degree, as the hymnbook of the Protestant churches of missionary origin and, indeed, still does so. Moreover, the ethnic churches, particularly in Brazil, also borrowed many of the hymns from Salmos e Hinos. These hymns are predominantly of a revivalist and individualist kind. The first edition came out in 1861 and included eighteen psalms and thirty-two hymns. The second edition, published in 1868, had seventy-six hymns. Successive editions contained an ever-increasing number of hymns. Robert Kalley’s influence was felt also through the institution of lay preaching in services conducted for families in homes.
The Presbyterians came to Jamaica in 1800, Chile in 1845, Colombia in 1856, Brazil in 1859, Mexico in 1872, Guatemala in 1882, and Trindad in 1886. In Brazil, Presbyterian worship is characterized by “liturgical improvisation,” a style inherited from the “domestic worship” introduced by the Kalleys. The Manual de Culto, first published in 1874, was never declared to be the official, let alone the exclusive, service book of the Presbyterians. Pastors continued to conduct worship as they wished. Perhaps the Manual de Culto was not intended for their use, but instead for use by lay people when they led worship.22
The beginning of Methodist missionary activity dates from 1760 in Antigua, 1789 in Jamaica, 1809 in Trinidad, 1867 in Argentina and Uruguay, 1873 in Mexico, 1888 in Peru, and from the very end of the 19th century in Costa Rica, Panama, and Bolivia. As far as Brazil is concerned, in 1876, the Methodist Episcopal Church, South sent the Reverend J. J. Ransom from the United States to scout the territory. Finding groups of people who had been reading the Holy Scriptures for themselves, he prepared a book that would help them conduct Sunday worship together. Published in Rio de Janeiro in 1878, O Culto Dominical contained orders for morning and evening prayer taken from the services John Wesley had adapted from the English Book of Common Prayer. North American Methodism itself, however, had long since abandoned the Sunday Service of John Wesley in favor of its regular worship; and when more sustained missionary work was introduced into Brazil in 1886, the dominant pattern became that of a more loosely structured preaching service there also. As in the United States, however, the orders for baptism and the Lord’s supper followed the prescribed ritual. In hymnody, Methodism adopted much of the inheritance from the Kalleys. Methodism exercised a strong influence on the successive editions of the Hinário Evangélico com Antífonas e Orações, produced by the Confederação Evangélica in 1945, 1953, and 1962. Although it was officially adopted only by the Methodists, this book recommended an order of worship that became very popular in several Brazilian denominations:
1. Approach to God: Adoration
2. Confession of Sins before God: Confession
3. Exaltation of the Power of God: Praise
4. Hearing the Word of God: Edification
5. Resolve to Follow God: Dedication
The new edition of the Hinário Evangélico published in 1964 also provided a complete service for the Lord’s supper according to the same fivefold structure, again employing many elements from the Methodist rite.23
The presence of Baptists in Jamaica dates from 1814, in Brazil from 1881, in Bolivia from 1898, and in other Latin American countries from later still. The first Baptist worship book in Brazil, Manual das Igrejas, was published in 1926. Similarly to that of the Presbyterians, Baptist worship is marked more by “spontaneity” than by orders from a book.24 This is due to the Baptist ecclesiology, in which each local congregation is autonomous; theologically the style is strongly individualist, aiming at conversion. The Baptists in Brazil used Salmos e Hinos until 1924, when their own hymnal was published under the title Cantor Cristão. This was followed by the Hinário para o Culto Cristão in 1991.25
Analysis of Protestant Orders of Worship in Latin America
The churches of missionary origin can be divided into those that have worship manuals (Presbyterians and Methodists) and those that do not (Baptists and Congregationalists).26 All of these may be considered “nonliturgical churches,” compared with the “liturgical” Lutheran and Anglican Churches, but this distinction is not rigid.27 Churches that place a strong theological emphasis on God’s immediate and direct communication to every person tend to lack liturgical or symbolic forms as mediating instruments.
In the “liturgical churches,” rites such as the Eucharist, baptism, confirmation, ordination, and marriage occupy a prominent place in worship. The prayers are normally fixed in writing. Special care is taken over the posture and gestures of the officiants and their assistants. Candles, flowers, a cross, and a Bible are placed on the altar, and the paraments change color with the liturgical calendar. The pulpit, lectern, and font are normally integrated into the liturgical space. The officiant wears a robe or an alb.28 However, worship in the “liturgical churches” is not without its problems. Although ritual may be valued, it quite often happens that the sermon is exalted over the other features of the liturgy. With regard to the Eucharist, there could exist, up until the 1980s, a veritable “breach” between the service of the word and the sacramental supper. Pastors pronounced a benediction at the end of the service of the word so that people who did not wish to take part in communion could nevertheless leave with a blessing. Under Prussian influence the sacrament had clearly acquired the status of an “appendix” to worship.
Influenced by Puritanism, Pietism, and revivalism and also seeking to differentiate their worship from the Catholic Mass, the “nonliturgical churches” more or less renounced the use of fixed cultic formulas, rites, and procedures. Focusing worship on the sermon, they almost turn the altar into a pulpit. Prayers are extemporary. Hymns have an individualist and conversionist appeal. The preacher wears a suit and tie (though robes may sometimes be worn by Presbyterians and Methodists). The sacrament, when it is administered, figures as an appendix to worship. For most of the “nonliturgical churches” baptism is no more than an outward sign of what has already taken place in the heart—namely, conversion.29
An informal style of worship was transferred from the North American “frontier” to the missionary churches in Latin America and affected even the ethnic churches. Its characteristic expression was found in the preaching and in singing. As representatives of the “American way of life,” the missionaries understood themselves as “frontline troops” whose “job” was to “convert” individuals and then report on the number of the converts. Worship was aimed at conversion and rededication. The individualism can be seen in the numerous first-person-singular hymns of Salmos e Hinos—often translated from English and (especially) North American sources—that were not only sung in the missionary churches but also included in the hymnals of the ethnic churches (such as the HPD of the IECLB). In the missionary churches, the condemnation of idleness, coupled with the pragmatist spirit and the ambiguous translation of the English word “service,” led to the understanding of worship as “work” with the aim of social transformation. Moreover, the perceived need to bring people into the way of “truth” and to keep them there, especially in the face of the “error” of Roman Catholicism or “syncretism,” increasingly gave the ecclesiastical buildings the character of “lecture halls.”30
Two points of resistance to liturgical renewal are to be noted, particularly in the context of the missionary churches. The first is related to the hymnological tradition inherited from North American revivalism, which is maintained with vigor, although there are examples of a renewed hymnology in Argentinean Methodism (prompted in part by opposition to military dictatorship), as well as in Brazilian Methodism.31 The second point of resistance is connected with the presumption that the Bible is the exclusive property of Protestants, whereas the entire liturgical tradition belongs to the Roman Catholic Church. Resistance to liturgical renewal is thus nourished more by anti-Catholic sentiment than by a properly theological reflection on worship.32
In the “liturgical churches” there is also strong resistance to the use and development of liturgical orders in places that have been influenced by missionary Protestantism and, more recently, neo-Pentecostalism and the charismatic movement. Here, a certain biblicism, claiming Luther’s sola scriptura, is allied with an emotionalism aroused by “praise bands” (drums, guitars, and vocalists) or the raised voice of the preacher. Such worship services are basically composed of three “liturgical elements”: singing, prayer, and preaching.
Especially in the “liturgical churches,” however, there are more concrete signs of liturgical renewal, stimulated in the late 20th century by the effects of the Second Vatican Council. The evidence is found in scholarly research and publications but also in practical efforts at liturgies that, on the one hand, take the origins of Christian worship into account, especially valuing the Eucharist, and on the other hand, are contextualized and call for the active participation of the community.33
To this end, the Twenty-Second Council of the IECLB, in 2000, framed a landmark definition of the order of worship:
1. Liturgy of Gathering: Bells, prelude, entrance hymn, greeting (apostolic or trinitarian), confession of sins, Kyrie eleison (as a lament for the sorrows of the world), Gloria in excelsis (praise), prayer of the day
2. Liturgy of the Word: Scripture readings, interspersed hymns, sermon, confession of faith, communication of needs and concerns, the general prayer of the church
3. Liturgy of the Eucharist: Preparation of the table and offertory (the monetary offering is collected and the bread and wine are placed on the altar), offertory prayer, eucharistic prayer, the Our Father, the peace gesture, the fraction (breaking of the bread), the Agnus Dei, communion, postcommunion prayer
4. Liturgy of Departure: Community notices, blessing, dismissal, hymn
Signs of liturgical renewal can also be seen in hymnody. An example is the following, taken from HPD-II. It stands opposed to the individualist and conversionist tradition, aiming instead at Latin American contextualization. Written by Ernesto B. Cardoso, it is a summons to the celebration of Christian hope and liberation:
1. Deus chama a gente pr’um momento novo
de caminhar junto com seu povo.
É hora de transformar o que não dá mais;
Sozinho, isolado ninguém é capaz
Por isso vem!
Entra na roda com a gente,
também você é muito importante.
2. Não é possível crer que tudo é fácil.
Há muita força que produz a morte,
gerando dor, tristeza e desolação.
É necessário unir o cordão.
3. A força que hoje faz brotar a vida
atua em nós pela sua graça
É Deus quem nos convida p’ra trabalhar,
o amor repartir e as forças juntar.
In sum, we observe a very diversified worship practice among the Protestant churches in Latin America. If a certain disdain for liturgical elaboration still exists, there are nevertheless clear signs of the desire for liturgical renewal. Initiatives in liturgical renewal, in an ecumenical perspective, were carried out since the 1990s, especially by the Rede Latino-Americana de Liturgia (Latin American Liturgy Network), the Conselho Latino-Americano de Igrejas (Latin American Council of Churches), and the Comunidade de Educação Teológica Ecumênica Latino-Americana e Caribenha (Latin American and Caribbean Ecumenical Community of Theological Education). The liturgical renewal includes the use of images and symbols of the culture of the different regions and countries and movements of body, as well as musical rhythms, that are characteristic of the Latin American continent. In this way, through musical styles and rhythms, sounds, and instruments, the movement of liturgical renewal seeks to reaffirm worship as an expression of the life of the community itself.34
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(1.) See Carl Joseph Hahn, História do Culto Protestante no Brasil (São Paulo, Brazil: Associação de Seminários Teológicos Evangélicos, 1989), 59–62.
(2.) Hahn, 40, 62–63.
(3.) Martin N. Dreher, A Igreja Latino-Americana no Contexto Mundial (São Leopoldo, Brazil: Sinodal, 1999), 161–164.
(4.) See Hans-Jürgen Prien, Formação da Igreja Evangélica no Brasil (Petrópolis, Brazil: Vozes, 2001), 32–33.
(5.) Prien, 32–35.
(6.) Hans-Jürgen Prien, La historia del Cristianismo en América Latina (Salamaca, Mexico: Sígueme, 1985), 407–408.
(7.) Dreher, A Igreja Latino-Americana, 220–221, 230–236.
(8.) Hahn, História do Culto Protestante no Brasil, 70–72; and Prien, La Historia, 717.
(9.) Hahn, 72, 84.
(10.) See Francisco de Assis da Silva, Liturgia Anglicana: Evolução, diversidade e espiritualidade (Porto Alegre, Brazil: Metrópole, 1999).
(11.) Prien, La Historia, 718–719, 722.
(12.) Martin N. Dreher, “Protestantismo de Imigração no Brasil,” in Imigrações e história da igreja no Brasil, ed. Martin M. Dreher (Aparecida, Brazil: Santuário, 1993), 109–131, esp. 120–122.
(13.) See Chapter 10 by Hans-Christoph Schmidt-Lauber in the present volume.
(14.) See Prien, La Historia, 725, 743, 749; and Silvio Tesche, Vestes Litúrgicas: Elementos de prodigialidade ou dominação, Teses e Dissertações 5 (São Leopoldo, Brazil: Sinodal, 1995), 8.
(15.) Culto Cristiano (New York: El Escudo, 1964).
(16.) See Leonhard F. Creutzberg, Estou Pronto Para Canta (São Leopoldo, Brazil: Sinodal, 2001), 17–132; Denise Cordeiro de Souza Frederico, Cantos para o Culto Cristão: Critérios de seleção a partir da tensão entre tradição e contemporaneidade, Teses e Dissertações 16 (São Leopoldo, Brazil: Sinodal, 2001), 32–33; and Jochen Eber, “Hinos do Povo de Deus (HPD): Auxílios pastorais,” in Estudos Teológicos 38 (1998): 273–281.
(17.) Tesche, Vestes Litúrgicas, 7–10, 130.
(18.) See Prien, La Historia, 735.
(19.) See Paulo Gerhard Pietzsch, “A Eucaristia na Igreja Evangélica Luterana do Brasil à luz das origens do culto cristão) (master’s thesis, Instituto Ecumênico de Pós-Graduação, 2002), 89–107; and Frederico, Cantos para o Culto Cristão, 284, 290.
(20.) Antônio G. Mendonça, “Crise do Culto Protestante no Brasil,” in Introdução ao Protestantismo no Brasil, eds. Antônio Gouvêa de Mendonça and Prócoro Velasques Filho (São Paulo: Loyola, 1990), 171–204.
(21.) On this couple—the husband Scottish, the wife English—see Hahn, História do Culto Protestante no Brasil, 133–153, 311–312. Robert Kalley was a medical doctor and an ordained pastor; Sarah Kalley was a linguist, poet, musician, and an enthusiast for Sunday schools. They worked as missionaries in Brazil from 1855 to 1876. See also Frederico, Cantos para o Culto Cristão, 280–281; and Antônio Gouvêa Mendonça, O Celeste Porvir: A inserção do protestantismo no Brasil, Estudos e Debates Latino-Americanos 10 (São Paulo: Paulinas, 1984), 185–186.
(22.) See Hahn, História do Culto Protestante no Brasil, 312–323.
(23.) See Hahn, 123, 243–244, 324–331. See also Simei Ferreira de Barros Monteiro, “Singing a New Song: Developing Methodist Worship in Latin America,” in The Sunday Service of the Methodists: Twentieth-Century Worship in Worldwide Methodism, ed. Karen B. Westerfield Tucker (Nashville: Kingswood, 1996), esp. 265–270.
(24.) See Hahn, História do Culto Protestante no Brasil, 331–333.
(25.) See Frederico, Cantos para o Culto Cristão, 35, 283.
(26.) Mendonça, “Crise,” 194.
(27.) Prócoro Velasques Filho, “Protestantismo no Brasil: Da teologia à liturgia,” in Mendonça and Velasques, Introdução, 145–170, at 155–157.
(28.) Velasques, “Protestantismo,” 155; and Frederico, Cantos para o Culto Cristão, 275.
(29.) Velasques, 155–156; Mendonça, “Crise,” 177–182; and Frederico, 275.
(30.) Mendonça, “Crise,” 175, 182–190.
(31.) See Monteiro, “Singing a New Song,” esp. 271–282.
(32.) Mendonça, “Crise,” 200–202.
(33.) See Maucyr Gibin, Liturgia para a América Latina: Documentos e estudos, Igreja-Eucaristia 5 (São Paulo: Paulinas, 1977), 5–6.
(34.) Júlio Cézar Adam, “Worship 7: Latin America,” in The Encyclopedia of Christianity, vol. 5, eds. Erwin Fahlbusch, Jan M. Lochman, John Mbiti, Jaroslav Pelikan, and Lukas Vischer (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2008), 806.