Archaeology of Colonial Settlement at the Cape
Summary and Keywords
Colonial settlement at the southern tip of Africa was pre-dated by 150 years of occasional encounters with European mariners. They touched on the coast to refresh water barrels, barter for meat with the local pastoralists, and repair their crafts, or in some cases found themselves wrecked and desperate on the shores of the “Cape of Storms.” It became the “Cape of Good Hope” after fleets of European ships profiteered from the sea route to the resources of India and Asia, among them the Portuguese, Dutch, French, and British.
The formal date for permanent foreign occupation of the Cape is 1652, when a Dutch East India Company (VOC, the Company) force anchored in Table Bay and, with some basic tools, materials, and supplies, set up camp.
After the decline and bankruptcy of the VOC in the late 18th century, a brief military occupation by the British (1795–1802), and an interim Dutch (“Batavian”) administration (1803–1806), the Cape became a British colony. By 1820 the Cape Colony stretched northward as far as the Orange River, and eastward to the Fish and Tugela rivers. Colonial settlement expanded with the arrival of traders, pastoralists, missionaries, and emigrants and created volatile zones in which settlers and African hunter-gatherers, pastoralists, and farmers contested with one another over land and resources. The colonial project continued into the later 19th century, spurred by the discovery of gold and diamonds far inland where independent Boer republics and Griqua states had been established. British imperialism and the lure of mineral wealth led to wars of annexation. Following the Second South African (“Anglo-Boer”) War (1899–1902) and subsequent attempts to reunify the country, in 1910 the “Union of South Africa” became a self-governing dominion within the British Empire, gaining formal independence in 1934.
Thus, colonial settlement at the Cape covers a 250-year period and a vast area (roughly equivalent to the Western Cape, Eastern Cape, Northern Cape Provinces, and parts of North West Province). From an archaeological perspective, studies encompass the city of Cape Town and sites fanning out from there chronologically and spatially, such as grazing grounds, military outposts, the towns and villages of the coast and hinterland, arable and pastoral farms, sites of conflict and interaction, missions, and mines.
The Materiality of Settlement at the Cape
Colonial settlement at the Cape was distinctive in many ways.1 It was the westernmost outpost of the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie; VOC), strategically situated at the southern tip of Africa (fig. 1).2 Unlike in the VOC eastern settlements, which centered on Batavia (Indonesia), there were no pre-existing permanent towns or villages, cultivated or farmed land, or wheeled transport. It was a land of hunter-gatherers (San) and pastoralists (Khoekhoen).3 The Company was a mercantile profit-seeking organization. As the primary purpose of the permanent occupation of the Cape was to provide for merchant ships at the halfway point between Asia and Europe, the first major project was the construction of a fort to mark Dutch possession, and the second was to cultivate fresh foodstuffs. Orchards of trees and shrubs, allotments of vegetables, and fields of grain were planted. A hospital served the needs of sick and injured passengers and crew.
The very landscape was greatly altered by the introduction of European and Asian crops, and other exotic species. Of all the countries on the African continent, it is said that South Africa was the most affected by the presence of overseas settlers. The introduction of horses, guns, boats, and wheeled vehicles had further consequences, such as serious and irreversible impacts on the local people and their ways of life. Within a short time, barter was replaced by coercion, settlers moved inland, and breeding livestock was acquired so that the Company no longer relied on the Khoekhoen for supplies of meat.4
Seventeenth-century Cape Town was confined to a few squares, streets, and blocks in Table Valley (beneath Table Mountain), and the settlement at Stellenbosch (established 1689) was no more than a cluster of houses around a mill. By the end of the century, the outpost had grown from a fort, recuperation center, and garden to a small town, and the hinterland had in most respects become a colony. Gradually, the garrison population had diversified and grown, augmented by slaves imported from Asia and Africa, displaced indigenous groups, free-burghers (VOC employees and militia, mostly German and Dutch, who contracted out of service to the Company to become “citizens” with conditional rights), freed slaves, and released convicts.5
Land was granted to officials and free-burghers for individual occupation and production, and the richest natural resources were privatized. French families (displaced Huguenots) were deliberately interspersed between Dutch and German neighbors, and their wine-making skills and places of origin are still remembered in estates named after French villages. The Company issued grazing licenses which gave armed stockmen rights over vast areas of pasture and water sources that were previously the domain of indigenous pastoralists and hunter-gatherers. Explorers and hunters penetrated ever further into the hinterland in search of trade resources. As the land was occupied, so new magisterial and administrative districts and towns (drostdye) were set up.
Eighteenth-century Cape Town and its immediate hinterland expressed a distinct colonial settlement pattern and architecture (known as “Cape Dutch”). More distant regions, where the landscape, available materials, and needs of the inhabitants were different, followed varying trajectories. The trek wagon was the main mode of both transport and accommodation. Permanent structures were basic, in forms such as reed-walled and thatched buildings, or corbelled stone structures, or clay-walled buildings with earthen roofs. During the British colonial period (after 1814), land surrounding established farms was surveyed and apportioned and many more towns were established throughout the colony as service and administrative centers. A modified “Georgian” and then “Victorian” influence is apparent in the architecture.6 Segregated settlements and neighborhoods for thousands of freed slaves followed emancipation in 1838, and to accommodate African migrant workers brought from eastern regions of the Cape.
Missionary activity in South Africa during the 19th century was intense. By 1904 about twenty-five missionary societies were in operation, and had established more than 600 major missions and nearly 4,000 outstations. These missions took many physical forms. In some cases the missions had no physical presence at all, in some they consisted of no more than a few very simple structures (Sak River, Leliefontein, Platberg), and in others there were large settlements with many houses and relatively elaborate civic buildings (Pniel, Genadendal, Kuruman Moffat Mission, Botshabelo).7 Missionaries came from a wide variety of societies originating from a number of different countries. They forged social, political, and economic ties with local leaders and inhabitants, and introduced new forms of architecture, consumption, and ways in which people related to one another, in addition to new forms of worship.8
Colonial settlement in the late 19th century included spatial and social discrimination between black and white diggers on the diamond mines and development of the infamous male-only closed compound system for migrant labor. This system included strong administrative and spatial control, racial segregation, and complete dominance by the work environment. The dynamite factories of Cecil Rhodes, that supplied the mine fields, have been the subject of archaeological investigations at Modderfontein (near Johannesburg) and Paardevlei, Somerset West (near Cape Town). Modderfontein accommodated a diverse workforce, many brought from Europe, who were housed in hierarchical and ethnically designated quarters. African men were housed in specially designed and secured compounds. At Paardevlei a patterned hierarchy of offices and dwellings for employees was designed by Rhodes’s favored architect, Herbert Baker. Barracks for migrant workers, a hostel, compound, and burial grounds remain testament to the lives of migrant Africans at the Cape through the 20th century.9
Until the 20th century the Cape remained very dependent on raw materials and consumables—such as metalware, glassware, tableware, and building materials—being supplied by ship. Several shipwreck sites have been investigated by maritime archaeologists and salvors.10 The archaeological residues of colonial settlement on land include imported ceramics—ubiquitous, hardy artifacts. Excavations of urban dumps in central Cape Town and domestic sites elsewhere, in conjunction with household inventory analyses, allow for valuable comparison between archaeological residues and documentary evidence.11 A framework for the identification and analysis of ceramics found at the Cape has been developed, with chronological sequences of 18th- and 19th-century artifacts. “Ceramic profiles” (proportions, presence and absence of certain ceramic wares) have been established for different periods.12 Due to the Cape’s position astride the major trade route between Europe and Asia, everyday Asian wares (such as “coarse” porcelain) that were seldom part of the official records of exports to the west were brought to the Cape. Archaeologists find important evidence for trade in Persian fritware and Chinese and Japanese export porcelain (fig. 2). The influence of domestic slavery and Asian culture on family lives was profound, not least in foodways, such as ingredients, food preparation, cooking utensils, and serving vessels. The later impact on colonial material life of British foodways and mass-produced goods, such as tablewares manufactured in Staffordshire, is a further focus for comparison at a regional and global level.13
Building Lives at the Cape of Good Hope
The Company imported notions of social organization, spatial planning, and architecture that referred to models from Europe and Dutch-occupied Asia. Plans of the early “Cape hamlet” show the fort and Company buildings to one side, with free-burgher houses and outbuildings laid out in a grid pattern of blocks and streets.14 Hall referred to the archaeology of colonization as the “archaeology of impact.” The most power-laden colonial archaeological site is without doubt the Castle of Good Hope, a stone-walled five-pointed fort completed in 1699. Archaeological work associated with a series of conservation works to renovate and restore the architecture mapped the sequence of construction events through Dutch and British colonial periods, changing functions of the parts, and the material residue of the colonists.15
The earliest Cape houses varied in shape and orientation. There were few quality building materials at the Cape, as it lacked fuel to bake bricks and suitable trees for timber. Most structures were impermanent (built from saplings, unbaked clay, reeds) and as a result archaeological traces are rare. It was only those of the highest ranks, who had access to imported Company stores intended for the official buildings of the Dutch East India Company (VOC), who could aspire to grander designs for their dwellings. The so-called “letter-of-the-alphabet” layout of the early houses and the later Cape Dutch style, with a symmetrical façade and tail wings (I, T, L and H), was based on rectangular building elements with a span of only 6–7 meters. In many cases the I-form became long enough to incorporate a dwelling, stables and tool or wagon shed, similar to a European longhouse (fig. 3).16
In a Cape Dutch house, the kitchen function was moved from the end of the I-form to a room with a raised hearth and chimney attached at the rear of the house. Most significantly, this gave the house a symmetrical façade. The front wing faced and was parallel to the street or road. The roof was pitched, gabled, and thatched, with a central gable (often ornamented) over the central front door. Such a house had a central entrance hall or voorhuis, flanked by a room or rooms on each side. A further development was the addition of special-purpose reception or eating rooms that lead from the front to back doors, the Cape voorhuis and galdery. This layout fitted well into the symmetrical layout of the Cape Dutch house, accommodated big families in multi-purpose spaces (owners and slaves), and the house could be kept cool by a through-draught in summer.17
In the absence of surviving early domestic buildings, archaeological excavation and studies of room-by-room household inventories have been fruitful. It became clear that the Cape Dutch style emerged only after the 1740s, developed in the 1770s, and endured into the 19th century. The European-style large multipurpose room (groot Kramer) disappeared from inventories by the mid-18th century. The groot kamer was associated with an asymmetrical floor plan. Once symmetry was desired for the façade and interior plan of a house, it was awkward to balance out such a “great” space with an equivalent room. A development sequence from I-shape to T-shape was demonstrated at the site of a Company woodcutter’s post in Newlands Forest.18 At Morgenhof, a rural estate, the original longhouse dwelling was replaced by a completely new H-plan Cape Dutch-style homestead and the longhouse was converted into a symmetrical gabled barn.19 This picture has since been reinforced by excavations at several other farms in the area, largely as a result of pre-development heritage impact assessments.20
The contrived design and setting of the surviving examples of the Cape farm werf served to reinforce the status of leading Cape families.21 The house was placed on a platform, set against a background of mountain peaks and blue sky. The tall and ornate gables, and an orderly arrangement of outbuildings within an encircling wall, all emphasized with whitewashed walls, ensured that the place was highly visible from some distance away. It impacted the natural landscape decisively, and made a distinct impression upon visitors approaching up a tree-lined avenue toward a flight of steps (fig. 4).22
Colonial Subjects at the Cape
Colonialism is about issues of power, processes of control and domination, exploitation and unequal relations between indigenes and immigrants, resilience, and traditional continuities. But the archaeological traces are difficult to find. Beneath, and mixed among, the lowermost colonial layers of archaeological sites in Cape Town, are scattered shells, animal bones, potsherds, and ostrich-eggshell fragments: the disturbed remnants of precolonial lives. Their negligible presence vividly represents the obliteration of one way of life by another. Residues of cultural contact include tools knapped from imported bottle glass, glass trade beads, and copper buttons. Schrire’s work at the Dutch East India Company (VOC) garrison and refreshment station of Oudepost I, on the shore of Saldanha Bay, focused on the impact of the colonial frontier on KhoeSan hunter-pastoralists at the Cape during the station’s occupation between 1669 and 1732. The archaeology of this small site revealed the mundane daily life of ordinary VOC soldiers, far from the Castle, as well as the nature of their interaction with Khoekhoen.23
Within a generation of VOC settlement at Table Bay in the mid-17th century, the population was very varied. The accrual of wealth at the Cape was made possible by the labor of African and Asian slaves. Throughout the 18th century slaves outnumbered settlers. Some were owned by the VOC and labored on the Company farms, outposts, and docks. The majority were sold to free-burghers and worked as domestic servants and artisans in Cape Town or as laborers on the grain, wine, and pastoral farms of the Cape interior. Slave women bore the children of European men, both Company employees and free-burghers, and some were manumitted and became mothers and grandmothers of colonists.24
The estate of Vergelegen has been the subject of several archaeological studies. It has a layered architectural history from Dutch landhuis style (c.1700), through Cape Dutch (c.1800) to Cape Revival (c.1900).25 It is also the site of a documented and dated slave lodge. Vergelegen was built on a palatial scale by Governor Willem Adriaan van der Stel in 1700, and the outbuildings included a lodge to house about 200 slaves. The full architectural imprints of the slave lodge, a wine cellar, and a water mill have been unearthed. They were large, timber-framed northern European-type buildings, which were extremely rare at the Cape.26
An unexpected discovery was the burial of a middle-aged woman beneath the floor of the slave lodge. The location of the burial, coupled with the rough construction of the coffin, were strong circumstantial evidence that she was a slave. Innovative isotopic analysis of tooth enamel and bone collagen made possible the tracing of her life. The isotopic profile of her tooth enamel, when compared with bone collagen from the post-cranial skeleton, showed that her childhood diet was dominated by tropical grain crops that do not grow at the Cape. This points to her originating from an area such as central Africa, India, or Asia. Her diet in adulthood, by contrast, contained seafood as a major component—a staple of slave provisions at the Cape, as the documentary evidence indicates (fig. 5).
This new dimension to the archaeology of colonial settlement was subsequently applied to human remains found buried in and around Cape Town. For instance, a correlation between tooth modification (deliberate chipping or grooving of the enamel) and a non-Cape diet was established from the skeletons of unfortunate Mozambican or central African slaves who drowned on their way to Brazil in 1818 and were buried in dunes beside Table Bay. People with similarly modified teeth, who are assumed to be first-generation slaves as the practice was not followed at the Cape, were also laid to rest in an informal burial ground in Green Point.27
The formal end of slavery at the Cape was Emancipation Day—December 1, 1838—but most former slave families remained enslaved by the economic and increasingly racially based social system, alongside the descendants of the KhoeSan. In urban areas, such as Cape Town and Stellenbosch, a few managed to find employment, develop businesses, and build homes, but many stayed tied to living with their previous owners or were rehoused in poorly built rented rooms on the fringes of the town. Ex-slave communities grew around sacred sites and mosques, such as the Bo-Kaap in Cape Town. Islam had originated and developed at the Cape under conditions of exile and slavery, when the official religion was confined to the Dutch Reformed Church.28 On farms, the labor force was housed in clusters of cottages and outbuildings, or farmers set aside land for Christian church-based hamlets in order to retain and regulate their employees, who now included Africans.
Archaeological work in the mission village of Pniel explored the community’s transition from enslavement to family life, before and after emancipation. The settlement typology of 19th-century missions consisted of small dwellings and intensively farmed agricultural strips irrigated by channels from the river, with a central church and administrative precinct. The layout enforced the hierarchy of missionary, converts, and the unconverted. As Pniel expanded to accommodate more displaced people, the strip pattern was no longer followed, but racial or ethnic segregation became evident.29
An area on the western fringes of Cape Town, which became known as District Six, developed from the 1840s as a culturally and religiously mixed neighborhood of workers, artisans, and small businesses, with a fluctuating population of locals, migrants, and immigrants. The architectural character of District Six and similar 19th-century suburbs mirrors colonial cities in other parts of Queen Victoria’s empire, in particular the construction of terraced dwellings using mass-produced materials, such as joinery and cast-iron decorative elements (fig. 6). Archaeological exploration of urban underclasses in Cape Town during the 19th and 20th centuries included combing through the traces of District Six left after the demolition of homes and businesses in the 1970s during the Apartheid era. Old streets were retraced and the footprints of buildings were exposed.30
On the other side of Cape Town, the settlement’s boundaries also expanded to accommodate an increasing population of working-class families and immigrant businessmen. The walled VOC military and church cemeteries were once in open land, well beyond the edge of the settlement. Over time some spaces nearby and in between were used for the graves of townspeople, paupers, and victims of such disease and disaster as smallpox and shipwrecks. Between the 1820s and the 1840s, development pressure was so great that the informal burial grounds were conveniently forgotten, sold, and subdivided, and tenements, terraced houses, and business premises were built on top. Construction of a new harbor precinct after 1860 erased more of the old landscape. However, beneath the roads, yards, and shallow footings of Green Point, the graves of thousands of people have since re-emerged. Some were cleared away to allow new developments, but some were archaeologically exhumed and investigated.31
The removal of human remains from a building site on Prestwich Street in 2004 provoked a serious conflict at the time, and fuels ongoing debates over issues in heritage management and memorialization, social and political claims, historical reinterpretations, scientific ethics, economic and race-based inequities, and profit-driven urban redevelopment. As a result, no direct studies have been permitted since then on the human remains from the Green Point area, though the archaeological excavation records are publicly available. The bones are now lying untouched in a memorial ossuary.32
Settling the Colonial Frontiers: Pastoral Farmers, Missionaries, and Immigrants
The Dutch East India Company (VOC) did not intend for its Cape possessions at the tip of Africa to develop into a political entity or to expand beyond the southwestern Cape, but it was not long before its subjects initiated a colonial project of their own, largely based on patriarchal pastoralism. While the Company undoubtedly benefited from the trading endeavors of these trekboers, it did little to control or support them in their quest for land. The high proportion of single European men led to many taking indigenous women as wives and companions. These families gradually developed as a sizable population who spoke a form of Dutch (ancestral to Afrikaans) and were instrumental in settling the interior of the colony. Displaced, apparently rootless, and politically weak, some groups also attracted the attention of missionaries, who encouraged them to live in permanent settlements.33
The archaeology of 19th-century mission stations is an ongoing focus in South Africa, but it not without limitations. The London Missionary Society came early to Khoe, San, and Griqua communities. The archaeology of an early Karoo mission on the Sak River, however, revealed a very fleeting mission presence in the broader pattern of colonial settlement. The Sak River mission was never able to gain traction or make any long-lasting impact on the people under its watch or the political sphere in which it was forced to be involved. Between 1830 and 1860 sheep farmers of German, Dutch, and mixed descent settled on the land, aptly named Kerkplaats (i.e., Church Farm).34
Some rock art in the Cape interior is associated with the discovery of diamonds and the rush that ensued.35 In general, this is the work of the descendants of Khoe pastoralists and San hunter-gatherers who lost their economic independence as the colonial frontier closed around them. Their identities were merged under the label “Colored,” and families became fully subordinated within the labor needs of the rural farm economy. However, as individuals they were vital to the transport system as drivers, artisans, and guides. Horses, people, wagons, and steam engines are prominent motifs and are depicted in a manner that demonstrates detailed knowledge of their structure and behavior. It has been further argued that some of the images should be seen as “creole expressions and continuities of KhoeSan beliefs.” Isolated sites could possibly be associated with female initiation. For instance, engravings on the farm Grootfontein (Williston district, Northern Cape) have a specific emphasis on images of women in houses, but this motif has not yet been found elsewhere. In contrast, men riding horses alongside livestock and ostriches, and depictions of wagons, are widespread (fig. 7).36
The events and experiences in the eastern districts were different from those in the rest of the Cape. Studies of colonial settlement have explored the impact of British colonial administrative systems and global commodities, European control of trade through Delagoa Bay, the development of a new wool economy, the trekboer exodus from the Cape, and British designs on the Zulu nation and Natal. The end of the Napoleonic Wars resulted in the British government organizing the most significant wave of immigration in the colonial history of South Africa, known as the 1820 Settlers, motivated by an attempt to alleviate poverty caused by the post-war depression, and to consolidate the British hold against the amaXhosa farmers on the Eastern Frontier of the Cape Colony. In the 1850s some 2,000 Germans were also brought to the buffer zone, most of them landless peasant farmers and remnants of the British German Legion after the end of the Crimean War.
The Western and Northern Cape
Within a few years of the VOC occupation of the Cape in the 17th century, over-exploitation of marine resources, especially penguins on Robben Island, forced the Company to look elsewhere. A presence in Saldanha Bay served the dual purpose of supplying provisions for the Cape and monitoring foreign vessels anchoring there.37 Trekboers of Dutch and German origins penetrated the interior of the West Coast region in the 1770s, and began a vicious frontier war with indigenous groups, culminating in a full-scale Khoe rebellion against the government in 1799. Access to resources finally came under the control of VOC agents and trekboers who had spread as far as the Orange River. By the early 19th century, various missionary groups began to exert their influence along the Orange River and the descendants of the Khoekhoen became confined to mission land or reserves in various parts of Namaqualand and the marginal lands of the Richtersveld.38
The introduction of boats and fishing equipment, and fishermen from Europe and Asia, transformed subsistence strategies and social relations along the relatively inhospitable and arid West Coast (aptly named the Sandveld, Hardeveld, and Knersvlakte—gnashing plains). A farming-fishing tradition underpinned the local economy, and rural settlement became increasingly dense throughout the 19th century. A regional vernacular architecture developed out of indigenous construction methods (the transportable domed sapling and mat house, matjieshuis, of the Khoekhoen), limited availability of local materials (rectangular forms built from saplings, reeds, and dried clay), and in response to periods of comparative wealth and improved transport systems. The Sandveld-style longhouse, comprising inter-leading kitchen, sitting room, bedroom(s), and buitekamer(s) (entered from outside) was a successful vernacular design and continued to be built well into the 20th century.39
A distinctive pattern of colonial settlement in semi-arid regions in the western Cape and interior highland was expressed in the location and spatial layout of farms. The original property grant was based on a permanent water source (river or spring, fontein) (thousands of farm names carry the suffix “fontein”), where the parent werf was established. Members of the family built homes there and when the property was divided between children, each portion linked back to that werf, with the boundaries often forming a radial pattern (fig. 8). Some of these farm werfs became proto-hamlets, especially those belonging to veldcornets (responsible for local administration), where a postal service, smithy, canteen, school, church, store, and other services were established.40
The significant mineral wealth of Namaqualand formed the impetus for a wave of settlement in the northern Cape.41 Though copper deposits were known and desired by the VOC from its earliest years, there were no means of shipping it out profitably until much later. After the discovery of copper at O’kiep near Springbok in 1846, commercial mining soon followed. Harbors were built and in 1869 a narrow-gauge railway line linked the mine to Port Nolloth. Cape Town was later linked by road and rail. The mines employed people from many parts of the world as well as large numbers of indigenous peoples. As a consequence, descendants of the Namaqua Khoekhoen lost independent livelihoods based on livestock and marine resources. Wage labor affected family dynamics as men earned cash and women were no longer equal partners in household economies. The discovery of diamonds in 1926, and the monopolistic extraction system that followed, had a profound and destructive impact on the natural environment and social relations. For instance, high-security hierarchical “company” towns were built to house senior staff, office workers and servants, and migrant laborers. The rest of the area was sparsely occupied by farmers and small groups of Nama, many of whom struggled to conserve and maintain their language and the traditional culture of the mission “reserves,” such as the Richtersveld region.42
The Central Plateau: Karoo
The Great Karoo once supported herds of migrating wild animals, groups of San hunter-gatherers, and, later, nomadic Khoekhoen herdsmen with domesticated livestock. The ability to move in a relatively unimpeded way in response to fluctuations in water, grazing, and wild game was critically important.43 Herdsmen escorted their animals from the cooler, high-lying areas used in summer to grazing pastures in the warmer lowlands for winter. From the 18th century, trekboers arrived. Trekboers economically merged into this landscape using the same pastoralist strategies and structures employed for centuries by Khoekhoen pastoralists, but the name Moordenaars (Murderers’) Karoo for a section of this landscape underpins the reality that different points of view regarding fundamental issues, such as entitlement and ownership, took on genocidal proportions in the second half of the 18th century.44
Early settlement patterns in the Seacow River valley, in the far northeast of the old Cape Colony, have been traced through surveyors’ diagrams attached to quitrent title deeds drawn up between 1823 and 1841. The first trekboers to the Seacow River valley in 1808 followed the loan farm system introduced by the British whereby the property boundary was related to a centrally positioned dwelling. This placed limits on where farmers could settle in relation to one another. But later farmsteads were built in close proximity to one another. This new pattern may have been driven by the trekboers’ need for protection from raids, as well as access to arable land which was found only along the river banks. Thus frontier farmers adapted the way they organized their farms to suit social and environmental factors and the hostilities of the Khoekhoen and San.45
From the 1850s a new pastoralism developed around merino sheep and wool production, which was linked to a global export economy. New technologies, such as wind pumps and wire fencing in the 1870s, began to alter how the landscape was used. Commercial farming for profit and a more intensive use of the land changed the Karoo ecology and landscape.46 The region also lay on the route between Cape Town and the mineral riches of the interior, and in the late 19th century became intersected by hard roads and railway lines.
Surviving examples of hundreds of round, stone-built, corbelled structures have been mapped and recorded in the Karoo. They were characteristic of a confined area. Stone walls and roofs were the ideal response to a treeless landscape, but suitable types of rock are also necessary. Prior to the construction of these corbelled buildings, the trekboers followed a transhumant lifestyle based on a system of grazing licenses that allowed them to move their stock in search of water and grazing veld. They lived in wagons, matjieshuise (adopted from the Khoekhoen), and tents. This very basic and spartan lifestyle makes it difficult to track 18th- and early-19th-century trekboers archaeologically. The construction of a permanent building was a clear indication that a family now regarded that farm as their formal property. Corbel buildings in various guises served as shelters, stores, and dwellings. There was a chronology of settlement and styles. Several were later altered, with the addition of rectangular rooms and kitchens. Others were abandoned or adapted for reuse, and a new house was built. These changes have been attributed to a wish to impress others, a desire for personal privacy, and the transfer of domestic duties from the exterior to the interior.47
Pitched-roof buildings, or a baked brick and plaster house with wooden joinery, were practical or affordable only once suitable materials could be transported by good road or rail. Peddlers (smouse), usually Jewish, played a vital role in distributing goods into rural areas before the advent of mass transport, on foot and by mule or donkey cart. During the merino-wool boom, ornate Victorian architectural elements were introduced and in the mid-20th century a distinctive style of “wool boom Art Deco” architecture was popular. Corrugated iron sheeting became available from around 1860. The commercial farming of ostriches, during a feather boom, created a pattern of landscape-scale stone-walled enclosures. A characteristic of rural stock-farm sites in the Karoo is the appearance of quantities of mass-produced British Empire goods dating from 1860 onward, associated with the period of the affluent “merino men” but also found on middens across the socio-economic landscape (fig. 9).48
Who introduced corbel building knowledge and skills is the subject of some debate. Trekboers from the western regions already had the cultural experience of living in round buildings derived from the Khoekhoen matjieshuise, and they may have simply adopted a stone equivalent. A contingent of Irish settlers was sent to Clanwilliam in 1820, several of whom were stone masons. They were unhappy there, so some joined the British settlers in the eastern Cape. At least one man, from Cork, which has a tradition of corbelled buildings, married into the Karoo farming community. The earliest dates for corbelled buildings also coincided with the arrival of Sotho-speaking people who had been displaced by the Difaqane on the Highveld of the southern African interior (a period of warfare and scattering of communities between 1815 and about 1840). They had a stone building tradition, understood the principle of corbelling, and were recorded as being employed to build stone walls and structures around Graaff-Reinet (fig. 10).49
The Eastern Cape
The “eastern” frontier of the Cape colony was at the same time the “western” frontier of Xhosa ancestral lands. The context of colonial settlement was set by the Wars of Dispossession (1779–1878), when Xhosa, Boers, Khoekhoen, San, and the British clashed intermittently for nearly 100 years. By 1894 the boundaries of the Cape had been extended to the Mtamvuna River by the piecemeal annexation of any remaining nominally independent tribal areas. The presence of military force, including the Royal Engineers, resulted in the building of forts, garrisons, military posts, and signal towers. Some farms were heavily fortified for defense against displaced people (fig. 11). Forts were also venues for interactions between Xhosa and colonists, in some cases to control trade.50 At the same time, missionaries attempted to provide protection and economic stability for Xhosa- and KhoeSan-descended small farmers and traders in self-sustaining settlements.51
Farmerfield was the location of a Wesleyan farm station in the Eastern Cape. There were about 500 residents by 1850. They lived in three hamlets with the population divided on the basis of perceived cultural and language differences by British administrators. They became successful farmers who produced surplus crops and traded for other goods, and later travelled to nearby Grahamstown to work in the local industries. Excavations at Farmerfield provided evidence of the continuation of Xhosa and Sotho ethnic identity in the hamlets. For instance, they made different choices of European ceramics available from Grahamstown. Much of the land was then sold and in the middle of the 20th century the government forcibly removed the people from the land, which was sold as private farms.52
The intense impact of the 1820 Settlers is a powerful and loaded symbol of the British contribution to the culture, tradition, and society of South Africa. Popular folklore, mythology, and history told of the hardships the settlers faced in the new land, and of their eventual successes and achievements. In reality, although some settlers prospered many did not, and the presence of an impoverished white working class in Grahamstown undermined the picture of settler success and affluence. The poorest people, though, were the increasing numbers of Khoekhoen and Africans who migrated from the surrounding countryside, and who were unequally incorporated into the urban community as a colonial laboring class.53
An archaeological study of the architecture of Salem, near Grahamstown, suggested that the settlement of British immigrants in the area was not a simple exercise in colonial domination resulting in the re-creation of English forms from a motherland. The colonists created a new form of architecture, made new choices of ceramics and styles of grave markers, and so on. This was not surprising given their position in a hostile and exotic environment, and their having to adapt to an unfamiliar agrarian lifestyle. The available materials (wattle-and-daub, dressed stone, or sun-baked brick) were used to create a “settler cottage” vernacular pattern. In Grahamstown itself, British immigrants later adopted middle-class consumption patterns and segregated spatial layouts in their homes. For instance, a parlor-dining room emerged and the kitchen became the domain of servants, whether black or white.54
Discussion of the Literature
The genesis of the archaeology of Cape colonial settlement was contingent on the approaches and practices of the day and a small reservoir of practitioners. From the late 1970s, Martin Hall and archaeologists at the University of Cape Town became involved in projects such as the excavation of fortifications, outposts, and industrial sites. They concentrated mostly on the archaeology of 18th-century Cape Town and its immediate hinterland, excavating a number of sites and studying household inventories and vernacular styles of building. The South African Cultural History Museum employed a qualified archaeologist on its staff, leading to a survey of the archaeological potential of Cape Town and specialized studies of particular categories of artifacts. The Stellenbosch Museum began a long-term excavation program in the town and district. South African historical archaeology took root. Research in the 1990s was generally dominated by studies of slavery and emancipation, colonialism and capitalism, and industrialization. James Deetz lectured at the University of Cape Town in 1984 and his influence was enhanced during visits by other North American archaeologists. Deetz established a research direction project in the Eastern Cape that focused on the architecture and material culture of 19th-century British settlers and on their contact with indigenous communities.55 The 1999 World Archaeological Conference was hosted at the University of Cape Town, which opened up opportunities for international collaborations with archaeologists from Britain, Australia, and South America who found stimulation and common ground for comparative studies at the Cape.56
Architectural historians have recorded surviving colonial-period buildings and settlements at the Cape.57 These studies and photographic records are invaluable for historical archaeologists, and some have been re-evaluated and enriched by investigations into archaeological evidence. Excavations and archival research, together with inventory-based analysis of dwellings, triggered significant developments in understanding how, why, and when the built environment peculiar to the Cape originated and developed, and the possible reasons for its taking the style and form it did.58
Archaeological studies are mostly available as academic dissertations. The non-academic research published by the Vernacular Architecture Society of South Africa provides detailed site histories and some regional focus.
Published landscape archaeology studies and archaeological surveys with a regional perspective are scarce, despite the advent of Google Earth and such derivatives as CapeFarmMapper, which have transformed access to the archaeology of settlement patterns in thinly vegetated remote areas, for instance the West Coast and Karoo.
The Western Cape Archives and Records (WCARS) repository and the Surveyor-General’s and Deeds Offices in Cape Town house the collections of primary sources related to the old Cape Colony, and in particular land and property histories. Documents, photographs, maps, and correspondence are cataloged in the National Automated Archival Information Retrieval System (NAAIRS), but detailed finding aids are only in printed format. Devolution of administrative functions to nine provinces since 1994 has resulted in an unfortunate fragmentation of these interlinked bodies of records, some of which have been digitized and culled, and others have been removed to regional centers.
Much of the primary research, such as pre-development impact assessments and extensive archaeological surveys for power infrastructure, is scattered throughout the “grey literature” that results from heritage resource management in compliance with South Africa’s environmental and heritage laws. Most statutory reports on archaeology, and increasingly the built environment, can be found on the SAHRIS website hosted by the South African Heritage Resources Agency (SAHRA).
Behrens, J., and N. Swanepoel. “Many Worlds Colliding: Historical Archaeologies in South Africa.” In The Oxford Handbook of Historical Archaeology. Edited by J. Symonds and V.‑P. Herva. Oxford Handbooks Online. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018.Find this resource:
Brink, Y. They Came to Stay: Discovering Meaning in the 18th Century Cape Country Dwelling. Stellenbosch: African Sun Media, 2008.Find this resource:
Fransen, H. Old Towns and Villages of the Cape. Johannesburg and Cape Town: Jonathan Ball, 2006.Find this resource:
Hall, M. “The Archaeology of Colonial Settlement in Southern Africa.” Annual Review of Anthropology 22 (1993): 177–200.Find this resource:
Hall, M. Archaeology and the Modern World: Colonial Transcripts in South Africa and the Chesapeake. London: Routledge, 2000.Find this resource:
Japha, D., et al. Mission Settlements in South Africa: A Report on Their Historical Background and Prospects for Conservation. Cape Town: University of Cape Town, 1993.Find this resource:
Lewcock, R. Early Nineteenth Century Architecture in South Africa: A Study of the Interaction of Two Cultures, 1795–1837. Cape Town: A. A. Balkema, 1963.Find this resource:
Lucas, G. An Archaeology of Colonial Identity: Power and Material Culture in the Dwars River Valley, South Africa. New York: Kluwer Academic, 2004.Find this resource:
Malan, A., et al. Grave Encounters: Archaeology of the Burial Grounds, Green Point, South Africa. Cape Town: ACO, 2017.Find this resource:
Schrire, C., ed. Historical Archaeology at the Cape: The Material Culture of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Claremont, South Africa: University of Cape Town Press, 2014.Find this resource:
Walton, J. Cape Cottages. Cape Town: Intaka, 1995.Find this resource:
Werz, B. “Southern African Shipwreck Archaeology.” In The Oxford Handbook of Maritime Archaeology. Edited by A. Catsambis, B. Ford, and D. L. Hamilton, 473–494. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.Find this resource:
Winer, M. “Landscapes, Fear and Land Loss on the Nineteenth-Century South African Colonial Frontier.” In Contested Landscapes: Movement, Exile and Place. Edited by B. Bender & M. Winer, 257–271. Oxford: Berg, 2001.Find this resource:
(1.) N. Worden, “Introduction,” in Cape Town between East and West: Social Identities in a Dutch Colonial Town, ed. N. Worden (Auckland Park, South Africa: Jacana Media, 2012), xi–xii.
(2.) The VOC was established in 1602 as a chartered company for Dutch trade in Asia.
(3.) Terminology related to the indigenous people of the Cape is sensitive and subject to change. For simplicity, San refers to hunter-gatherers and Khoekhoen to pastoralists. The composite KhoeSan refers to indigenous people. They spoke a “click” language. Inhabitants who spoke a “Bantu” language and whose farming practices were largely confined to the summer rainfall regions, are referred to as Africans. The colonists (and interethnic descendants) who were nomadic pastoralists and farmers are trekboers (or Griqua), and they spoke a form of Dutch (Afrikaans). The terms Boer and Afrikaner came to mean White Afrikaans-speaking persons. The word Colored came to refer to anyone of KhoeSan descent or mixed ancestry.
(4.) R. Ross, “Settler Colonialism in South Africa, 1652–1899,” in The Routledge Handbook of the History of Settler Colonialism, ed. E. Cavanagh and L. Veracini (London and New York: Routledge, 2016), 187–200; A. Heinrich, “Historical Zooarchaeology of Colonialism, Mercantilism, and Indigenous Dispossession: The Dutch East India Company’s Meat Industry at the Cape of Good Hope, South Africa,” in The Oxford Handbook of Zooarchaeology, ed. U. Albarella et al. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017); and A. Malan, “The Cultural Landscape,” in Worden, Cape Town between East and West, 1–25.
(6.) R. Lewcock, Early Nineteenth Century Architecture in South Africa: A Study of the Interaction of Two Cultures, 1795–1837 (Cape Town: A. A. Balkema, 1963); H. Fransen, Old Towns and Villages of the Cape (Johannesburg and Cape Town: Jonathan Ball, 2006); J. Walton, Homesteads and Villages of South Africa (Pretoria: J. L. Van Schaik, 1965); J. Walton, Double-Storeyed, Flat-Roofed Buildings of the Rural Cape (Cape Town: Saayman & Weber, 1993); P. Scott and J. Deetz, “Building, Furnishings and Social Change in Early Victorian Grahamstown,” Social Dynamics 16, no. 1 (1990): 76–89; and M. Winer and J. Deetz, “The Transformation of British Culture in the Eastern Cape, 1820–1860,” Social Dynamics 16, no. 1 (1990): 55–75.
(7.) S. Klatzow, “Platberg on the Caledon: Bastaards, Raiders and Traders or Pious Converts of the Wesleyan Missionary Society?,” Journal of Southern African Studies 44 (2018): 641–657; H. Clift, “A Sortie into the Archaeology of the Moravian Mission Station, Genadendal” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 2001); Lucas, Colonial Identity; L. Webley, “Archaeology and Ethnoarchaeology in the Leliefontein Reserve and Surrounds, Namaqualand” (MA diss., University of Stellenbosch, 1984); and C. Wingfield, Re-collecting the Missionary Road (Cambridge, U.K.: Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, 2018). See also “Kuruman Moffat Mission in Its Wider Landscape,” SAHRIS; and C. Booth, “A Historical Archaeological Investigation into Two Recent Households of the Motse, Botshabelo Mission Station, Middelburg, Mpumalanga, South Africa” (MA diss., University of South Africa, 2017).
(9.) J. Behrens, “Ethnic Identity and Process: European Migrant Workers at Modderfontein Dynamite Factory” (MA diss., University of the Witwatersrand, 1999); J. Behrens, “Navigating the Liminal: An Archaeological Perspective on South African Industrialisation,” in African Historical Archaeologies: Contributions to Global Historical Archaeology, ed. A. Reid and P. Lane (Boston: Springer, 2004), 347–373; J. Behrens, “The Dynamite Factory: An Industrial Landscape in Late 19th Century South Africa,” Historical Archaeology 39, no. 3 (2005): 61–74; L. Weiss, “Fictive Capital and Economies of Desire: A Case Study of Illegal Diamond Buying and Apartheid Landscapes in 19th Century Southern Africa” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 2009); and M. Attwell, Zwelihle (KDW) Hostel Site (AECI Labour Compound) Portion Farm 794 Somerset West Cape Town: Socio-Historical Study (Report for Heartland (Pty) Ltd, 2014).
(10.) J. Gribble, “Past, Present and Future of Maritime Archaeology in South Africa,” in International Handbook of Underwater Archaeology, ed. C. V. Ruppé, J. F. Barsted (Boston: Springer, 2002), 553–556.
(11.) M. Hall et al., “The Barrack Street Well: Images of a Cape Town Household in the Nineteenth Century,” The South African Archaeological Bulletin 45, no. 152 (1990): 73–92.
(12.) J. Klose, “Excavated Oriental Ceramics from the Cape of Good Hope, 1630–1830,” Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society 57 (1992–1993): 69–81; and J. Klose, “Analysis of Ceramic Assemblages from Four Cape Historical Sites Dating from the Late Seventeenth Century to the Mid-nineteenth Century” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 1997). Inventories in the records of the Master of the Orphan Chamber of the Cape of Good Hope (Western Cape Archives and Records Service, MOOC8 series, 1680s to 1830s) have been transcribed and are available online.
(13.) G. Abrahams, “Foodways of the Mid-18th Century Cape: Archaeological Ceramics from the Grand Parade in Central Cape Town” (PhD diss., University of Cape Town, 1996); A. Malan and J. Klose, “Porcelain at the Cape of Good Hope in the 17th Century,” in Chinese and Japanese Porcelain for the Dutch Golden Age, ed. J. van Campen and T. Eliëns (Zwolle: Waanders Uitgevers, 2014), 151–170; J. Klose and A. Malan, “The Ceramic Signature of the Cape in the Nineteenth Century, with Particular Reference to the Tennant Street Site, Cape Town,” South African Archaeological Bulletin 55, no. 171 (2000): 49–59; and A. Malan and J. Klose, “Nineteenth Century Ceramics in Cape Town, South Africa,” in Archaeologies of the British: Explorations of Identity in Great Britain and its Colonies, 1600–1945, ed. S. Lawrence (London: Routledge, 2003), 191–210.
(14.) R. van Oers, Dutch Town Planning Overseas during VOC and WIC Rule (Zupthen: Walburg Press, 2000); and C. Schrire, ed., Historical Archaeology at the Cape: The Material Culture of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) (Claremont, South Africa: University of Cape Town Press, 2014), 29–37.
(15.) M. Hall, “The Archaeology of Colonial Settlement in Southern Africa,” Annual Review of Anthropology 22 (1993): 177–200; and Schrire, Historical Archaeology at the Cape, 29–37.
(16.) Walton, Homesteads and Villages, 6–7; Y. Brink, “Places of Discourse and Dialogue: A Study in the Material Culture of the Cape during the Rule of the Dutch East India Company, 1652–1795” (PhD diss., University of Cape Town, 1992); A. Malan, “The Form and Layout of Early Cape Town Households, 1660s–1740s,” VASSA Journal 18 (2007): 34–63; R. Fitchett, “Early Architecture at the Cape under the VOC (1652–1710): The Characteristics and Influence of the Proto-Cape Dutch Period” (PhD diss., University of the Witwatersrand, 1996); H. Vos, “An Historical and Archaeological Perspective of Colonial Stellenbosch, 1680–1860” (MA diss., University of Stellenbosch, 1993); and A. Obholzer, M. Baraitser, and W. D. Malherbe, The Cape House and Its Interior: An Inquiry into the Sources of Cape Architecture & a Survey of Built-in Early Cape Domestic Woodwork (Stellenbosch: Stellenbosch Museum, 1985).
(17.) Y. Brink, “The voorhuis as a Central Element in Early Cape Houses,” Social Dynamics 16, no. 1 (1990): 38–54; and A. Malan, “Households of the Cape, 1750–1850: Inventories and the Archaeological Record” (PhD diss., University of Cape Town, 1993).
(18.) M. Hall et al., “The Archaeology of Paradise,” South African Archaeological Society Goodwin Series 7 (1983): 40–55.
(19.) M. Hall, Y. Brink, and A. Malan, “Onrust 87/1: An Early Colonial Farm Complex in the Western Cape,” South African Archaeological Bulletin 43, no. 148 (1988): 91–99.
(20.) A. Malan, “An Archaeological, Archival, Oral and Spatial History,” Appendix 1 of Phase 3 of the Stellenbosch Heritage Survey & Management Plan Report (Stellenbosch: Stellenbosch Municipality, 2018).
(21.) The werf is the space around and including a homestead and outbuildings, often enclosed by a low wall.
(23.) C. Schrire, “The Historical Archaeology of the Impact of Colonialism in 17th-Century South Africa,” Antiquity 62 (1988): 214–225; C. Schrire, “Excavating Archives at Oudepost I, Cape,” Social Dynamics 16 (1990): 11–21; and C. Schrire and J. Deacon, “The Indigenous Artefacts from Oudepost I, a Colonial Outpost of the VOC at Saldanha Bay, Cape,” South African Archaeological Bulletin 44 (1989): 105–113.
(24.) N. Worden, “Slavery at the Cape,” Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History (2017); and A. Malan, “Chattels or Colonists? ‘Freeblack’ Women and Their Households,” Kronos 25 (1998–1999): 50–71.
(25.) H. Fransen, The Old Buildings of the Cape (Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball, 2004), 246–248.
(26.) A. Markell, “Building on the Past: The Architecture and Archaeology of Vergelegen,” in Historical Archaeology in the Western Cape, ed. M. Hall and A. Markell, South African Archaeological Society Goodwin Series 7 (Cape Town: South African Archaeological Society, 1993), 71–83.
(27.) J. C. Sealy et al., “An Historic Skeleton from the Slave Lodge at Vergelegen,” in Hall and Markell, Historical Archaeology in the Western Cape, 84–91; G. Cox et al., “Stable Carbon and Nitrogen Isotopic Analyses of the Underclass at the Colonial Cape of Good Hope in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries,” World Archaeology 33, no. 1 (2001): 73–97; and A. Malan et al., Grave Encounters: Archaeology of the Burial Grounds, Green Point, South Africa (Cape Town: ACO, 2017), 60–65.
(28.) Malan et al., Grave Encounters, 21–23.
(29.) H. Fransen, “Town and Village Layout at the Cape, with Special Reference to the Mission Village,” VASSA Journal 26 (2012): 1–18; and Lucas, Colonial Identity, 142–170.
(30.) A. Malan and C. Soudien, “Managing Heritage in District Six, Cape Town: Conflicts Past and Present,” in Materiél Culture: The Archaeology of Twentieth-Century Conflict, ed. J. Schofield, W. G. Johnson, and C. M. Beck (London: Routledge, 2002), 249–226; and A. Malan and E. van Heyningen, “Twice Removed: Horstley Street in Cape Town’s District Six, 1865–1982,” in The Archaeology of Urban Landscapes: Explorations in Slumland, ed. A. Mayne and T. Murray (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 39–56.
(31.) Malan et al., Grave Encounters, 53–79.
(32.) Malan et al., Grave Encounters, 110–113; and N. Shepherd, “Archaeology Dreaming: Postapartheid Urban Imaginaries and the Bones of the Prestwich Street Dead,” Journal of Social Archaeology 7, no. 1 (2007): 3–28.
(33.) R. Ross, “The Archaeology of Missions: Afterword,” Journal of Southern African Studies 44 (2018); and R. King, “Among the Headless Hordes: Missionaries, Outlaws and Logics of Landscape in the Wittebergen Native Reserve, c. 1850–1871,” Journal of Southern African Studies 44 (2018).
(34.) N. Zachariou, “A Biography of Land and Landscape: The Archaeology of the Sak River Mission Station, 1799–1900” (PhD diss., University of Cape Town, 2017).
(35.) R. Yates, A. Manhire, and J. Parkington, “Colonial Era Paintings in the Rock Art of the South-Western Cape: Some Preliminary Observations,” in Hall and Markell, Historical Archaeology in the Western Cape, 59–70; and S. Hall and A. Mazel, “The Private Performance of Events: Colonial Period Rock Art from the Swartruggens,” Kronos 31 (2005): 124–151.
(36.) V. Lupuwana, “Material Realities, Belief and Aspiration in the Later 19th Century Rock Engravings of the Williston District of the Karoo (MPhil diss., University of Cape Town, 2017).
(37.) C. Schrire, K. Cruz-Uribe, and J. Klose, “The Site History of the Historical Site at Oudepost I, Cape,” in Hall and Markell, Historical Archaeology in the Western Cape, 21–32.
(38.) N. Penn, “The Frontier in the Western Cape 1700–1740,” in Papers in the Prehistory of the Western Cape, ed. J. Parkington and M. Hall, BAR Reports, International Series 332 (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 1987), 462–503; N. Penn The Forgotten Frontier: Colonist and Khoisan on the Cape’s Northern Frontier in the Eighteenth Century (Cape Town: Double Storey Books, 2005); and A. Malan et al., “People and Places on the West Coast since AD 1600,” in The Archaeology of the West Coast of South Africa, ed. A. Jerardino, A. Malan and D. Braun, BAR Reports, International Series 2526 (Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 2013), 124–142.
(39.) A. Malan and L. Webley, “West Coast Buildings: The Architecture of a Coastal Frontier,” VASSA Journal 23 (2010): 2–22.
(40.) M. Archer and N. Amschwand, Historical Survey Group Report on the Farm Klipperivier, also Known as Willemsrivier, in the Onder-Bokkeveld (Cape Town: Vernacular Architecture Society of South Africa, 2012); T. Maggs and N. Amschwand, “Recording on the Northern Frontier,” 50th Anniversary Souvenir (Cape Town: Vernacular Architecture Society of South Africa, 2014); and A. Malan (ed.), Mense en plekke van die Piketberg-contrei: The Sandveld Oral History Project (Cape Town: Vernacular Architecture Society of South Africa, 2015).
(41.) Malan et al., “People and Places,” 128–130.
(42.) L. Webley, “The History and Archaeology of Pastoralist and Hunter-Gatherer Settlement in the North-Western Cape, South Africa” (PhD diss., University of Cape Town, 1992); and L. Webley, “Archaeological Evidence for Pastoralist Land-Use and Settlement in Namaqualand over the Last 2000 Years,” Journal of Arid Environments 70, no. 4 (2007): 629–640.
(43.) L. Guelke and R. Shell, “Landscape of Conquest: Frontier Water Alienation and Khoikhoi Strategies of Survival, 1652–1780,” Journal of Southern African Studies 18, no. 4 (1992): 803–824.
(44.) J. Maguire, The Historical Context of the T-Shaped House at Elandsberg in the Roggeveld (Cape Town: Vernacular Architecture Society of South Africa, 2017); and R. Regensberg, “Pastoralist Systems of the Roggeveld in the 18th and 19th Centuries” (MSc diss., University of Cape Town, 2016).
(45.) G. Sampson, B. Sampson and D. Neville, “An Early Dutch Settlement Pattern on the North East Frontier of the Cape Colony,” Southern African Field Archaeology 3, no. 2 (1994): 74–81.
(46.) T. N. Smuts, “An Archaeological Perspective on the Nineteenth Century Development of Land, Landscape and Sheep Farming in the Karoo” (MSc diss., University of Cape Town, 2012); and Regensberg, “Pastoralist Systems,” 33.
(47.) P. Kramer, “The History, Form and Context of the 19th Century Corbelled Buildings of the Great Karoo” (MA diss., University of Cape Town, 2015); and P. Kramer, “Moving Inside: Changing Values, Attitudes and World View,” VASSA Journal 31 (2015): 1–14.
(48.) Zachariou, “A Biography of Land and Landscape,” 240–264.
(49.) Kramer, “The History, Form and Context of the 19th Century Corbelled Buildings,” 55–56; and J. Walton, “Sotho Cattle-Kraals,” The South African Archaeological Bulletin 13, no. 52 (1958): 133–143.
(50.) F. Bugarin, “People at the Gates: Fort Willshire and Cultural Transformation in the Eastern Cape, South Africa,” in British Forts and the Communities: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives, ed. C. DeCorse and Z. Beier (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2018), 262–284.
(51.) Lewcock, Early Nineteenth Century Architecture, 131–250; M. Winer, “Landscapes, Fear and Land Loss on the Nineteenth-Century South African Colonial Frontier,” in Contested Landscapes: Movement, Exile and Place, ed. B. Bender and M. Winer (Oxford: Berg, 2001), 257–271; and R. Ross, The Borders of Race in Colonial South Africa: The Kat River Settlement, 1829–1856 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 37–69.
(52.) P. Jeppson, “Material and Mystical Perspectives on Ethnicity: An Historical Archaeology Study of Cultural Identity, National Historiography and the Eastern Cape Frontier of South Africa, 1820–1860” (PhD diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2005).
(53.) Winer and Deetz, “The Transformation of British Culture,” 55; and R. Marshall, “A Social and Cultural History of Grahamstown, 1812 to c. 1845” (MA diss., Rhodes University, 2008).
(54.) M. Winer, “Landscapes of Power: British Material Culture of the Eastern Cape Frontier, South Africa, 1820–1860” (PhD diss., University of California at Berkeley, 1994); Scott and Deetz, “Building, Furnishings and Social Change,” 76–89; and H. Fransen, Old Towns and Villages, 309–328.
(55.) Hall, “The Archaeology of Colonial Settlement,” 181–182.
(56.) S. Lawrence (ed.), Archaeologies of the British: Explorations of Identity in the United Kingdom and Its Colonies, 1600–1945 (London: Routledge, 2003); and P. Funari, M. Hall, and S. Jones, eds., Historical Archaeology: Back from the Edge (London: Routledge, 2013).
(57.) For example, R. Lewcock, Early Nineteenth Century Architecture in South Africa: A Study of the Interaction of Two Cultures, 1795–1837 (Cape Town, A. A. Balkema, 1963); and Fransen, Old Towns and Villages.
(58.) Brink, They Came to Stay.