annona (other products)
annona (other products)
- Carlos Machado
The annona was the imperial service responsible for overseeing the supply of key food items to the city of Rome and the army. Primarily concerned with grain, the service became increasingly involved in the provisioning of other commodities, such as olive oil, wine, and pork. By the end of the 3rd century, the annona was a complex machinery involving private and public agents in different parts of the empire, overseen by the prefect of the annona, based in Rome. The operation of this system is documented in literary texts, administrative documents such as papyri and writing tablets, inscriptions, and a rich archaeological record, in Rome and in the provinces. However, the precise working of the system and the degree to which it was controlled by the Roman state remain open to debate. The annona was also involved in the supply of the army, especially with regards to provisions brought from distant producing centres. During the later empire, the system became more centralised, being overseen by the praetorian prefecture.
- Ancient Economy
- Roman History and Historiography
In the course of the imperial period, the Roman government grew increasingly involved in the establishment, organisation, and management of services dedicated to the supply of the city of Rome and the Roman army. The size of Rome’s population posed a formidable challenge to imperial authorities, producers, and traders, mobilizing resources from an area beyond its immediate hinterland.1 Supplying the army, an organisation that, by the end of the 2nd century ce, counted approximately half a million mouths (including legionaries, auxiliaries, and other personnel) spread through different provinces, was equally trying.2 The annona was the imperial system that guaranteed the stable supply and distribution of essential products to Roman citizens officially enrolled as its beneficiaries and to troops stationed in different parts of the empire. It involved imperial resources and administrators, as well as private agents and guilds based at different locations. The civil system was formally created during the reign of Augustus, who instituted the praefectura annonae, based in Rome. The service was directed by a prefect of equestrian rank in charge of procurators, inspectors, and officials located in Rome, Ostia, and the provinces.3 Initially concerned only with grain, the annona was progressively expanded, incorporating products like olive oil, wine, and pork. The number of recipients, the form of distribution (at subsidized prices or granted for free), and the degree of state intervention also varied during the imperial period. Different agents and imperial officials were also involved in the supply of the army, and during the course of the early empire this service also came under increasing governmental control. The organisation of the military annona has been the subject of great scholarly debate, with scholars like Elio Lo Cascio suggesting a greater participation of private agents, whereas José Remesal Rodriguez argues for a stronger involvement of representatives of the state.4 Since the distribution of grain is treated in another entry (see annona [grain]), this article considers only the products included in the imperial service.
The Nature of the Evidence
The textual evidence available for the annona is relatively limited, consisting mostly of references in late sources like the Historia Augusta.5 This collection of imperial biographies was most likely composed in the late 4th century, and it is marred by invented facts and references to spurious authors. Although much of it refers to actual historical developments, it can rarely be taken at face value. Legislation compiled in the Theodosian Code provides important insights into the working of the annona in the late imperial period. However, the nature of Roman law making—usually a response to a local petition, rather than a coherent expression of imperial policy—makes our picture of the annona partial and fragmented.6 Honorific inscriptions, such as those inscribed on bases of statues, provide important information regarding the careers and political connections of imperial officials, while epigraphs recording building works might allude to physical structures connected to this service.7 Other documentary evidence, such as Egyptian papyri and the writing tablets unearthed in the Roman fort of Vindolanda, in Britain, also record important information—especially with regard to the supply of troops (see Vindolanda tablets).8 Archaeological work in producing regions, notably in Baetica (Spain) and in North Africa, provide important information about the supply of olive oil and wine in general, but it must be remembered that the annona represented only one aspect of this broader economic activity. This picture can be complemented with the study of amphorae, especially the material from Monte Testaccio in Rome, an artificial hill formed by discarded amphorae used for the transport of olive oil.9 A considerable number of amphorae contain painted inscriptions, tituli picti, which record important information regarding the provenance and handling of oil sent to Rome and to military camps near the frontiers. Although our overall picture of the annona remains limited and fragmentary, with scholars disagreeing over a number of important issues related to the service, it is clear that the expansion of the annona to products other than grain had a profound impact on the Roman economy.10
The Expansion of the Imperial Annona
The expansion of imperial services, and especially the introduction of new benefits for members of the populus Romanus or the army, was a highly charged political initiative. Augustus celebrated his generosity and care for the troops and the people in the Res Gestae, and later historians treated such initiatives as a mark of a good emperor. Hadrian’s biographer, for example, praised this emperor for keeping up-to-date information of military stores, so as to prevent food shortages (SHA, Hadr. 11.1). As a result, all information contained in literary sources—especially biographies and panegyrics—should be treated with great caution. According to the Historia Augusta, it was Septimius Severus who introduced the distribution of olive oil to the Roman people (Sev. 18.3), and Aurelian who did the same for pork (Aurel. 35.2) and wine (48.1). Although it is usually agreed that the annona did experience important developments in the course of the 3rd century, it is likely that the expansion of this service was a more complex and piecemeal process that had its origins in the first centuries of the empire. Like with grain, emperors kept a close eye on the supply of the city, occasionally going to the extreme of distributing oil or wine in times of need. The Historia Augusta records that Antoninus Pius purchased and distributed grain, wine, and oil to the Roman people at a time of shortage (Ant. Pius 8.11); whether this is true or not, the information indicates that Romans saw this type of practice as a possibility. Not all rulers behaved in this way—Augustus is said to have refused to distribute wine to the Roman people (Suet. Aug. 42.1)—but such acts of generosity were common enough in Rome and in cities all over the empire.11 Besides occasional distributions, there is evidence to suggest that the annona progressively incorporated other products, as officials and physical structures associated with this service became involved in the supply of other products. This can be seen more clearly in the case of olive oil and wine, for which we have a relatively richer archaeological, epigraphic, and literary record.
The Distribution of Olive Oil
In the case of olive oil, the analysis of the amphorae discarded in Monte Testaccio suggests that the Roman state was already involved in Rome’s supply at least since the middle of the 1st century ce.12 This does not mean that Rome’s oil supply was controlled by the state, but rather that imperial officials and infra-structure were involved in the transportation, storage, and handling of this commodity in the capital. It is estimated that some twenty-five million amphorae were accumulated in the area during the first three centuries of the empire. Most of this material (approximately 80%) consists of Dressel 20 amphorae, used for the transportation of olive oil from Baetica, but African material is also attested. A group of inscriptions, datable to the 2nd century, confirms the involvement of imperial officials in Rome’s supply of oil.13 This is the case of the inscribed base of a statue set up in Rome in honour of Marcus Petronius Honoratus, a former prefect of the annona, by oil traders from Baetica.14 An inscription discovered in Hispalis (modern Seville, in Spain), celebrated Marcus Iulius Hermesianus, a diffusor olearius ad annonam Urbis, an agent involved in the transportation of oil to the annona of Rome; before occupying this post, Hermesianus had been active in the same service in Puteoli and Portus.15 The career of Sextus Iulius Possessor, active at the beginning of the reign of Marcus Aurelius, is particularly interesting in this respect: he was an assistant to the prefect of the annona for the collection, inspection, transportation, and payment for grain, and for the oil from Africa and Spain.16 A prefect of the annona was honoured with a statue set up in Rome by the grain and oil traders from Africa, suggesting that the same merchants responsible for the supply of grain were also involved in the supply of oil.17 Another inscription records the existence of a supervisor (procurator) for the oil in the warehouses (horrea) of Ostia and Portus, as well as in the horrea Galbana in Rome (near Testaccio), structures traditionally associated with the grain supply.18 Although this process cannot be charted with greater precision, it seems clear that, by the time Septimius Severus started the systematic distribution of oil to the Romans, he was able to take advantage of a system that was already in place and almost fully operational.
The Distribution of Wine
There is no direct evidence for expansion of the annona to Rome’s supply of wine before the end of the 3rd century, but in this case, too, we can see a growing involvement of imperial officials and structures. It has been observed that the Roman upper classes became increasingly interested on the production and consumption of wine in the course of the 1st century ce.19 Whereas scholars previously interpreted the decline in the number of amphorae Dressel 2-4 in the early imperial period as a sign of a crisis of viticulture in Italy, it has been pointed out that other containers were put to use, and that Italy (and especially Rome) remained an important consumer market for wine from all over the Mediterranean.20 Italy, and especially Rome’s hinterland, was particularly involved in this trade (see trade, Roman).21 The volume of wine consumed in Rome required the creation of dedicated spaces in the city, where activities overseen by government officials took place. A group of undated inscriptions record the existence of an otherwise unknown forum Vinarium;22 a portus Vinarius is mentioned in inscriptions datable to the early imperial period, which also record traders and collectors operating in the area.23 In Ostia, a number of traders and members of the guild of the vinarii are recorded in inscriptions, and the existence of a forum Vinarium is also attested.24 Although not officially part of the annona before the reign of Aurelian, the city’s supply of wine was the subject of growing imperial concern. In this context, the reference in the Historia Augusta to a reorganization of the guild of wine dealers by the emperor Alexander Severus (Alex. Sev. 23.2) seems to be a logical step for a government dealing with a product that necessarily required much of an administrative, legal, and physical structure associated with the annona.
The Management of the System
There is no proper evidence about how the distribution of oil, wine, and pork was carried out in Rome in the 3rd century ce, and it is not known to what extent the imperial government was involved in it either. The system was supervised by the prefect of the annona, and the supply of oil (and possibly of wine) was structured along similar lines as the supply of grain (see annona [grain]). Imperial properties were probably involved in the supply of oil for the Roman market, be it providing to it directly or selling its production to agents associated with the annona. The Historia Augusta records that, among the many properties confiscated by Septimius Severus at the beginning of his reign, some of these were in Gaul and Spain, and this might indicate a greater imperial involvement in the early 3rd century (Sev. 12.1–4). This is also suggested by tituli picti found in oil amphorae discarded at Testaccio, recording imperial properties in Africa and Spain as their provenance from the reign of Severus onwards (see amphorae and amphora stamps, Roman).25 Remesal Rodriguez and Broekaert have suggested that at least part of the oil supplied to Rome had a fiscal origin, but there is no definitive evidence to support this assertion.26 It has been noted, in fact, that private agents remained involved in Rome’s supply of oil during the 3rd century, as attested by tituli picti.27 Whatever the means through which oil came into government control, the distribution of amphora kilns in Baetica—mostly located near the banks of the Guadalquivir and the Genil, the main rivers in the area—indicates that production was aimed primarily at the Mediterranean markets (see markets and fairs, Greek, and markets and fairs, Roman).28 A group of 32 ostraca datable from 373, discovered in Carthage in 1911, provides some detail about the system controlled by the imperial government in Africa.29 Oil produced locally was brought from different farms to collection points, from where it was transported to a central administrative complex in Carthage. There, it was moved to weighing facilities and transferred to amphorae before being shipped to Rome.
Goods were received in Ostia or Portus, checked for their quality and quantity and transported to Rome; tituli picti record information like the provenance, production, and volume carried, indicating that oil arriving in the capital was controlled by the central system that (like in the case of grain) included a series of supervisors, inspectors, and guilds.30 It is not known how much oil transported to Rome was distributed as part of the annona, nor whether it was sold at subsidized prices or for free, and it is unlikely that the distribution took place in the same spaces used for the distribution of grain. Although preserved in its principles, the working of the annona experienced important changes in the late third and early fourth centuries, as the imperial state was reorganized and the political and economic standing of Rome were redefined.
Late Antique Developments
We are better informed about the working of the annona in the 4th century, as imperial legislators issued a number of edicts dealing with these matters, and this material was preserved in the Theodosian Code.31 The foundation of Constantinople in 330 was accompanied by the reorientation of a large part of Rome’s supply to the eastern capital.32 Ceramic material excavated in urban contexts suggests that this period saw the decline of Spanish imports. Olive oil for the annona was still brought from overseas, but mostly from Africa. From there, it was carried to Rome by contracted shippers, members of the guild of the navicularii, and unloaded, inspected, and prepared for transportation in Ostia and Portus.33 This effort required the participation not only of the prefect of the annona and his officials in Italy, but also the collaboration of provincial governors and imperial officials in the provinces—a level of coordination that required the involvement of the praetorian prefect. Italy also played a growing role in the supply of Rome, especially of pork and wine.34 Here, as in Africa, provisions for the annona were collected as tax, and transported to Rome by the guilds of the suarii and vinarii. This service was overseen by the urban prefect, adding another layer of administrative complexity to an already complicated system.
Distribution in Rome was carried out at different places.35 Wine could be bought at a subsidized price in the porticus of the Temple of the Sun, built by Aurelian in the area of modern-day via del Corso (SHA, Aurel. 48.4). According to an inscription datable to the 4th century, wine arrived in the Campus Martius at the Ciconiae (probably a river harbour), where it was inspected and carried to the temple.36 It is usually assumed that the collection of pork also took place at a specific place, the forum Suarium.37 Beneficiaries could collect oil from mensae oleariae, structures of uncertain nature that are first mentioned in a law issued by Constantine (Cod. Theod. 14.24.1). There were 2,300 mensae according to the Regionary catalogues, scattered throughout the city, and the urban prefect Symmachus suggests in an official report to the court that these operated on a daily basis (Relat. 35.3). It seems likely that both pork and oil were sold, rather than distributed for free, but there is no firm evidence to confirm it.
The working of the annona was severely affected by the developments of the 5th and 6th centuries. In spite of demographic decline, Rome remained an important market, consuming products from other parts of the empire, but increasingly less so. The loss of Africa to the Vandals, in the 430s, had a direct impact on the provisioning of the city, increasing the importance of the central and southern areas of Italy.38 Imperial legislation—and later edicts issued by the Ostrogothic court—strove to maintain the supply of the city and the functioning of the annona, dealing specifically with the supply of pork.39 Even these indicate the declining importance of the annona, mobilizing fewer resources in support of a shrinking population.
The Military Annona
Since the Republican period, the provision of the army had been a constant source of concern for the Roman government. At that time, the service was ultimately controlled by the Senate, who would grant the commanding officers (frequently an elected magistrate) and their officials the powers and resources to oversee it.40 This system came under increased central control from Augustus onwards, when emperors became more directly involved with the provision of the troops away from Rome.41 Although there is no consensus over the degree to which the system was controlled by the central administration, most scholars agree that Rome’s military supply required the action of private and public agents. At least part of the supply required by the different military camps was produced and acquired locally or in the same province, be it through purchase or taxation.42 These would be bought directly by the soldiers or distributed by local clerks and charged to their stipendia.43 In the case of products that could not be purchased locally, however, the involvement of the central government was crucial. This is the case of olive oil, for example: Dressel 20 amphorae of Spanish origin have been unearthed in military camps in Germany and Britain, with tituli picti confirming the same provenances as those found at Testaccio in Rome.44 Although there is no direct evidence for the involvement of the prefect of the annona, it has been observed that this would be the most reasonable way of ensuring the stable and efficient supply of Baetican oil to troops stationed far away from the Mediterranean, as only an imperial official would be informed enough about the needs and movements of troops.45 In the late empire, soldiers were paid at least partly in kind, with clothes and food rations—called annona—in a system overseen by the regional praetorian prefectures.46 By that stage, the military annona had become a much larger and more complex system, directly controlled by the central government.
- Adams, Colin. “Supplying the Roman army: Bureaucracy in Roman Egypt.” In The Roman Army as a Community. Edited by Adrian Goldsworthy and Ian Haynes, 119–126. Portsmouth, RI: Journal of Roman Archaeology, 1999.
- Aldrete, Greg, and David Mattingly. “Feeding the City: The organization, operation, and scale of the supply system for Rome.” In Life, Death, and Entertainment in the Roman Empire. Edited by David Potter and David Mattingly, 171–204. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1999.
- Broekaert, Wim. “Oil for Rome during the Second and Third Century AD: A confrontation of archaeological records and the Historia Augusta.” Mnemosyne 64 (2011): 591–623.
- Broekaert, Wim. “Roman economic policies during the third century AD: The evidence of the Tituli Picti on oil amphorae.” Ancient Society 38 (2008): 197–219.
- Carreras Monfort, César. “The Roman military supply during the Principate. Transportation and staples.” In The Roman Army and the Economy. Edited by Paul Erdkamp, 70–89. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Gieben, 2002.
- Carrié, Jean-Michel. “Les distributions alimentaires dans les cités de l’empire tardif.” Mélanges de l’école française de Rome 87, no. 2 (1975): 995–1101.
- Chastagnol, André. La préfecture urbaine a Rome sous le Bas-Empire. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1960.
- Chic García, Genaro, Enrique Alberto García Vargas, Ana Salud Romo Salas, and Miguel Ángel Tabales Rodríguez. “Una nueva inscripción annonaria de Sevilla: M. Iulius Hermesianus, diffusor olei ad annonam Urbis.” Habis 32 (2001): 353–374.
- Kehne, Peter. “War and Peacetime Logistics: Supplying Imperial Armies in East and West.” In A Companion to the Roman Army. Edited by Paul Erdkamp, 323–338. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007.
- Jones, A. H. M. The Later Roman Empire, 284–602. A social, economic, and administrative survey. 3 vols. Oxford: Blackwell, 1964.
- Köhns, Hans Peter. Versorgungskrisen und Hungerrevolten im Spätantiken Rom. Bonn, Germany: Rudolf Habelt Verlag, 1961.
- Lee, A. D. “The army.” In The Cambridge Ancient History. Vol. 13: The Late Empire, AD 337–425. Edited by Averil Cameron and Peter Garnsey, 211–237. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
- Lo Cascio, Elio. “The early Roman Empire: The state and the economy.” In The Cambridge Economic History of the Greco-Roman World. Edited by Walter Scheidel, Ian Morris, and Richard Saller, 619–647. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
- Lo Cascio, Elio. “L’approvigionamento dell’esercito romano: mercato libero o ‘commercio amministrato’?” In The Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC–AD 476): Economic, social, political, religious, and cultural aspects. Edited by Lukas de Blois and Elio Lo Cascio, 195–206. Impact of Empire 6. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2007.
- Marzano, Annalisa, “Agricultural production in the hinterland of Rome: wine and olive oil.” In The Roman Agricultural Economy. Edited by Alan Bowman and Andrew Wilson, 85–106. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.
- Mattingly, David. “Oil for export? A comparison of Lybian, Spanish, and Tunisian olive oil production in the Roman empire.” Journal of Roman Archeology 1 (1988): 33–56.
- Panella, Clementina. “Roma e gli altri. La cultura material al tempo del sacco di Alarico.” In The Sack of Rome in 410 AD. The event, its context, and its impact. Edited by Johannes Lipps, Carlos Machado, and Philipp von Rummel, 365–402. Palilia 28. Wiesbaden, Germany: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2013.
- Papi, Emanuele, ed. Supplying Rome and the Empire. Portsmouth, RI: Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series 69, 2007.
- Pavis d’Escurac, Henriette. La préfecture de l’annone, service administrative impérial d’Auguste à Constantin. Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome 226. Rome: École Française de Rome, 1976.
- Purcell, Nicholas. “Wine and wealth in ancient Italy.” Journal of Roman Studies 75 (1985): 1–19.
- Remesal Rodriguez, José. La Annona Militaris e la Exportacion de Aceite Bético a Germania. Madrid: Universidad Complutense, 1986.
- Remesal Rodriguez, José. “Baetican olive oil and the Roman economy.” In The Archaeology of Early Roman Baetica. Edited by Simon Keay, 183–199. Portsmouth, RI: Journal of Roman Archaelogy Supplementary Series 29, 1998.
- Remesal Rodriguez, José. “Las ánforas Dressel 20 y su sistema epigráfico.” In Epigrafia Anfórica. Edited by José Remesal Rodriguez, 127–148. Instrumenta 17. Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2004.
- Remesal Rodriguez, José. “Baetica and Germania. Notes on the concept of ‘provincial interdependence’in the Roman Empire.” In The Roman Army and the Economy. Edited by Paul Erdkamp, 293–308. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Gieben, 2002.
- Roth, Jonathan. The Logistics of the Roman Army at War (264 BC–AD 235). Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 1999.
- Sirks, Boudewijn. Food for Rome. The legal structure of the transportation and processing of supplies for the imperial distributions in Rome and Constantinople. Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Gieben, 1991.
- Tchernia, André. Les Romains et le commerce. Naples: Centre Jean Bérard/Centre Camille Jullian, 2011.
- Vera, Domenico. “La tradizione annonaria nella Historia Augusta.” In Historiae Augustae Colloquium Genevense, in honorem F. Paschoud septuagenarii. Edited by L. Galli Milić and N. Hecquet-Noti, 211–227. Bari, Italy: Edipugliam, 2010.
- Veyne, Paul. Le pain et le cirque. Sociologie historique d’un pluralisme politique. Paris: Le Seuil, 1976.
- Whittaker, C. R. “Supplying the Roman army: The evidence from the frontier fort of Vindolanda.” In Rome and its Frontiers: The dynamics of change. Edited by C. R. Whittaker, 88–114. London: Routledge, 2004.
1. See Neville Morley, Metropolis and hinterland: The city of Rome and the Italian economy, 200 B.C.–A.D. 200 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1996); also Paul Erdkamp, “The food supply of the capital,” in The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Rome, ed. Paul Erdkamp (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 262–277.
2. See, for a general discussion, Jonathan Roth, The logistics of the Roman army at war (264 BC–AD 235) (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 1999); more recently, Peter Kehne, “War- and peacetime logistics: Supplying imperial armies in East and West,” in A Companion to the Roman Army, ed. Paul Erdkamp (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007), 323–338.
3. Henriette Pavis d’Escurac, La préfecture de l’annone, service administrative impérial d’Auguste à Constantin (Rome: École Française de Rome, 1976) is still fundamental. A good overview is provided by Greg Aldrete and David Mattingly, “Feeding the city: The organization, operation, and scale of the supply system for Rome,” in Life, Death, and Entertainment in the Roman Empire, ed. David Potter and David Mattingly (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1999), 171–204.
4. Elio Lo Cascio, “L’approvigionamento dell’esercito romano: Mercato libero o ‘commercio amministrato’?” in The Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC–AD 476), Economic, social, political, religious and cultural aspects, ed. Lukas de Blois and Elio Lo Cascio, Impact of Empire 6 (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2007) 195–206; José Remesal Rodriguez, La Annona Militaris e la Exportacion de Aceite Bético a Germania (Madrid: Universidad Complutense, 1986).
5. See Domenico Vera, “La tradizione annonaria nella Historia Augusta,” in Historiae Augustae Colloquium Genevense, in honorem F. Paschoud septuagenarii, ed. L. Galli Milić and N. Hecquet-Noti (Bari, Italy: Edipugliam, 2010), 211–227, for an optimistic view of this information.
6. This material is explored in great detail in Boudewijn Sirks, Food for Rome: The legal structure of the transportation and processing of supplies for the imperial distributions in Rome and Constantinople (Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Gieben, 1991).
7. For example, see Genaro Chic García, Enrique Alberto García Vargas, Ana Salud Romo Salas, and Miguel Ángel Tabales Rodríguez, “Una nueva inscripción annonaria de Sevilla: M. Iulius Hermesianus, diffusor olei ad annonam Urbis,” Habis 32 (2001): 353–374.
8. Explored, for example, by C. R. Whittaker, “Supplying the Roman Army: The evidence from the frontier fort of Vindolanda,” in Rome and its Frontiers: The dynamics of change, ed. C. R. Whittaker (London: Routledge, 2004), 88–114.
9. José Maria Blázquez, “The latest work on the export of Baetican olive oil to Rome and the army,” Greece & Rome 34 (1992): 173–188.
10. David Mattingly, “Oil for export? A comparison of Lybian, Spanish, and Tunisian olive oil production in the Roman empire,” Journal of Roman Archaeology 1 (1988): 33–56.
11. As discussed by Paul Veyne, Le pain et le cirque. Sociologie historique d’un pluralisme politique (Paris: Le Seuil, 1976); see esp. pp. 599–603, for emperors.
12. As argued by Wim Broekaert, “Oil for Rome during the second and third century AD: A confrontation of archaeological records and the Historia Augusta,” Mnemosyne 64 (2011): 591–623; see esp. pp. 601–602, presenting the results of the excavations by the Spanish team.
13. CIL XIV, 20=EDR143973; CIL II, 1180; AE 1983, 976; CIL VI, 1620=EDR111423.
14. CIL VI, 1625b=EDR111437: “M(arco) Petron̲i[o M(arci) f(ilio)]/Quir(ina) Honorat[o],/praef(ecto) coh(ortis) I Raet[orum],/trib(uno) mil(itum) leg̲(ionis) I Miner[viae]/P(iae) F(idelis), praef(ecto) alae Aug̲(ustae) P(iae) F(idelis) [Thrac(um)],/proc(uratori) monet(ae), proc(uratori) XX hered(itatium),/proc(uratori) p̲rov(inciae) Belg̲(icae) et duar(um)/Germaniar(um), proc(uratori) a ratio[n(ibus)]. Aug(usti), praef(ecto) annon(ae), praef(ecto)/Aegypti, pontif(ici) minor[i], negotiatores ole[ari(i)]/ex Baetica patron[o]/curatoribu[s]/Cassio Faus[to]/Caecilio Ho[—].” (To Marcus Petronius Honoratus, son of Marcus, of the Quirina tribe, prefect of the I cohort of the Raetians, military tribune of the I legion Minervia, prefect of the wings of the Thracian cohort, supervisor of the mint, supervisor of the inheritance tax, supervisor of the provinces of Belgica and of the two Germaniae, supervisor of the imperial finances, prefect of the annona, prefect of Egypt, clerk to the college of the pontiffs; the oil traders from Baetica (dedicated this) to their patron, under the supervision of Cassius Faustus and Caecilius Ho [ .|.|. ]).
15. AE 2001, 1186: “M(arco) Iul(io) H[e]rmesian[o],/diffusori olei ad annon[am]/urbis, c[urator]i corpo[ris]/olea[riorum st]ationi[s(?)]/Romul[ae - - -]i[- - -]te[- - -]/huic corpus [ole]ari[orum]/splend[idissi]mum/mer[entissimo s]tatu[am]/pon[enda]m iussit./M(arcus) Iulius Hermes Fro[nti]nianus/filius honore accepto/impensam remisit.” (To Marcus Iulius Hermesianus, supplier of oil for the Roman annona, overseer of the guild of the oil dealers of the office. . . To him who is most deserving the most splendid guild of oil dealers decreed that a statue be set up. Marcus Iulius Hermes Frontinianus, his son, having accepted this honour, paid for it); see also Chic García et al., “Una nueva inscripción annonaria.”
16. AE 1983, 976 (from Mactar); see especially CIL II, 1180 (from Seville): “Sex(to) Iulio Sex(ti) f(ilio) Quir(ina) Possessori,/praef(ecto) coh(ortis) III Gallor(um), praeposito nume/ri Syror(um) sagittarior(um) item alae primae Hispa/norum, curatori civitatis Romulensium Mal/vensium, tribuno mi[l(iti) leg(ionis)] XII Fulminat[ae],/curatori coloniae Arcensium, adlecto/in decurias ab Optimis Maximisque/Imp(eratoribus) Antonino et Vero Augg(ustis), adiu/tori Ulpii Saturnini praef(ecti) Annon(ae)/ad oleum Afrum et Hispanum recen/sendum item solamina transfe/renda item vecturas navicula/riis exsolvendas, proc(uratori) Augg(ustorum) ad/ripam Baetis. Scapharii Hispalen/ses ob innocentiam iustitiam/que eius singularem.” (To Sextus Iulius Possessor, son of Sextus, of the Quirina tribe, prefect of the III Gallic cohort, commander of the unit of Syrian archers, and of the first Hispanic wing, overseer of the city of the Romulenses Malvenses, military tribune of the XII legion Fulminata, overseer of the colony of the Arcenses, enlisted among the decuries by the most excellent and greatest emperors the Augusti Antoninus and Verus, assistant to the prefect of the annona Ulpius Saturninus for the inspection of the oil from Africa and Hispaniae, and for the transportation of grain and the payment for the ships of the ship-masters, imperial supervisor of the margins of the river Baetis. The boatmen of Seville (dedicated this) on account of his integrity and unique rightfulness.)
17. CIL VI, 1620= EDR111423: “C(aio) Iunio C(ai) f(ilio) Quir(ina)/Flaviano,/praefecto annonae,/proc(uratori) a rationibus, proc(uratori)/provinciarum Lugdunesis/et Aquitanicae,/proc(uratori) hereditat(ium),/proc(uratori) Hispaniae citerioris/per Asturicam et Callaeciam,/proc(uratori) Alpium maritimarum,/pro magistro XX hereditatium,/trib(uno) mil(itum) leg̲(ionis) VII Gem(inae), pontif(ici) minori,/mercatores frumentari(i)/et oleari(i) Afrari.” (To Caius Iunius Flavianus, son of Caius, of the Quirina tribe, prefect of the annona, supervisor of the financial office, supervisor of the provinces of Lugdunensis and Aquitania, supervisor of the inheritance tax, supervisor in Hispania Citerior for the Asturias and Galicia, supervisor of Alpes Maritimae, representative of the supervisor of the inheritance tax, military tribune of the VII legion Gemina, clerk to the college of pontiffs. [Dedicated by] the African traders of grain and oil.)
18. CIL XIV, 20=EDR143973: “Pro salute et/reditu Imp(eratoris) Anto/nini Aug(usti), Faustinae/Aug(ustae) liberorumque/eorum; aram sanctae/Isdi, numini Sarapis,/sancto Silvano, Larib(us),/C(aius) Pomponius/Turpilianus,/proc(urator) ad oleum in <horreis> Galbae, /Ostiae portus utriusque d(onum) d(edit).” (To the well-being and the return of the emperor Antoninus Augustus, Faustina Augusta, and their children; Caius Pomponius Turpilianus, supervisor of the oil in the horrea Galbana, in Ostia, and in Portus, dedicated this altar to the blessed Isis, to the divine spirit of Serapis, to the blessed Silvanus, to the Lares.)
19. Nicholas Purcell, “Wine and wealth in ancient Italy,” Journal of Roman Studies 75 (1985): 1–19; see esp. pp. 9–13.
20. See André Tchernia, “Quelques remarques sur le commerce du vin et les amphores,” in The Seaborne Commerce of Ancient Rome, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 36 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1980): 305–312, esp. pp. 307–310; André Tchernia, Les Romains et le commerce (Naples: Centre Jean Bérard/Centre Camille Jullian, 2011): 363–375; see also Purcell, “Wine and wealth in ancient Italy,” Journal of Roman Studies 75 (1985): 13–15.
21. As shown by Annalisa Marzano, “Agricultural production in the hinterland of Rome: Wine and olive oil,” in The Roman Agricultural Economy, ed. Alan Bowman and Andrew Wilson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013): 85–106.
22. CIL VI, 9181a-c=EDR159532; CIL VI, 9182=EDR159530. Filippo Coarelli, “Forum Vinarium,” in Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae II, ed. Eva Margareta Steinby (Rome: Quasar, 1995), 360.
23. CIL VI, 9189=EDR161654; CIL VI, 9190=EDR143004; CIL VI, 37807=EDR072364. See Filippo Coarelli, “Portus Vinarius,” in Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae IV, ed. E. M. Steinby, 156 (Rome: Quasar, 1999).
24. See discussion in Russell Meiggs, Roman Ostia (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960), 274–275 (for traders) and 288 (for the forum).
25. See discussion in Broekaert, “Oil for Rome during the second and third century AD: A confrontation of archaeological records and the Historia Augusta,” Mnemosyne 64 (2011): 595–596.
26. See for example, Broekaert, “Oil for Rome,” 596; see the comments of Lo Cascio, “L’approvigionamento dell’esercito romano: Mercato libero o ‘commercio amministrato’?” in The Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC–The Netherlands: Brill, 2007).
27. As observed by Lo Cascio, “L’approvigionamento dell’esercito romano: Mercato libero o ‘commercio amministrato’?” in The Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC–AD 476), Economic, social, political, religious and cultural aspects, ed. Lukas de Blois and Elio Lo Cascio, 205, Impact of Empire 6 (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2007).
28. See the considerations of José Remesal Rodriguez, “Baetican olive oil and the Roman economy,” in The Archaeology of Early Roman Baetica, ed. Simon Keay, Supplementary Series 29 (Portsmouth, RI: Journal of Roman Archaelogy, 1998): 188.
29. See J. T. Peña, “The mobilization of state olive oil in Roman Africa: The evidence of late 4th-c. ostraca from Carthage,” in Carthage Papers, ed. J. T. Peña, Supplementary Series 28 (Portsmouth, RI: Journal of Roman Archaeology, 1998), 117–217.
30. Pavis d’Escurac, La préfecture de l’annone, 197–199. See also José Remesal Rodriguez, “Las ánforas Dressel 20 y su sistema epigráfico,” in Epigrafia Anfórica, ed. José Remesal Rodriguez, Instrumenta 17 (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona, 2004), 127–148.
31. Jean-Michel Carrié, “Les distributions alimentaires dans les cités de l’empire tardif,” Mélanges de l’école française de Rome 87, no. 2 (1975): 995–1101; also Sirks, Food for Rome: The legal structure of the transportation and processing of supplies for the imperial distributions in Rome and Constantinople (Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Gieben, 1991).
32. The supply of late antique Rome has been the subject of two comprehensive studies of Clementina Panella: “Rifornimenti urbani e cultura material tra Aureliano e Alarico,” in The Transformation of Urbs Roma in Late Antiquity, ed. William Harris, Supplementary Series 33 (Portsmouth, RI: Journal of Roman Studies, 1999): 183–215; and “Roma e gli altri. La cultura material al tempo del sacco di Alarico,” in The Sack of Rome in 410 AD: The event, its context, and its impact, ed. Johannes Lipps, Carlos Machado, and Philipp von Rummel, Palilia 28 (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2013): 365–402.
33. See discussion in Peña, “The mobilization of state olive oil”; also A. H. M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284–602: A social, economic, and administrative survey, 3 vols. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1964): 701.
34. See, for pork: Cod. Theod. 14.4.1–10; for wine: Symmachus, Ep. 9.150, and Cod. Theod. 11.2.2–3.
35. See discussion in La préfecture urbaine a Rome sous le Bas-Empire, by André Chastagnol (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1960), 321–330.
36. CIL VI, 1785=EDR111565: “. . . falancariis qui de ciconiis ad templum cupas /referre consuerunt. . .” (. . . the porters who carried the barrels from the docks to the temple of the Sun. . .).
37. Chastagnol, La préfecture urbaine, 329. On the forum, see Laura Chioffi, “Forum Suarium,” in Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae II, ed. E. M. Steinby (Rome: Quasar, 1995): 346–347.
38. As argued by Panella, “Roma e gli altri,” 388.
39. Cod. Theod. 14.4.10 (from 419); Valentinian III, Novella 36 (452); Cassiod. Var. 11.39 (533–537).
40. See, for the Republic, Roth, The logistics of the Roman army, 244–261; also Paul Erdkamp, Hunger and the sword: Warfare and food supply in the Roman Republican wars (264–30 BC) (Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Gieben, 1998).
41. Roth, The logistics of the Roman army, 262.
42. See the discussion of César Carreras Monfort, “The Roman military supply during the Principate. Transportation and staples,” in The Roman army and the economy, ed. Paul Erdkamp (Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Gieben, 2002): 71–80. The levying of grain as tax is attested by Egyptian papyri: Colin Adams, “Supplying the Roman army: Bureaucracy in Roman Egypt,” in The Roman Army as a Community, ed. Adrian Goldsworthy and Ian Haynes, Supplementary Series 34 (Portsmouth, RI: Journal of Roman Archaeology, 1999): 119–126.
43. Discussed by Whittaker, “Supplying the Roman army,” 91–95.
44. See Remesal Rodriguez, La Annona Militaris; also José Remesal Rodriguez, “Baetica and Germania: Notes on the concept of ‘provincial interdependence’in the Roman Empire,” in The Roman army and the economy, ed. Paul Erdkamp (Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Gieben, 2002): 300–302.
45. Rodriguez, La Annona Militaris, 95; Carreras Monfort, “The Roman military supply during the Principate. Transportation and staples,” in The Roman army and the economy, ed. Paul Erdkamp (Amsterdam, The Netherlands: Gieben, 2002): 80–81.
46. See A. D. Lee, “The army,” in The Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. 13: The Late Empire, AD 337–425, ed. Averil Cameron and Peter Garnsey (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998): 220; also Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 626–630.