1-5 of 5 Results  for:

  • Communication and Social Change x
  • Political Communication x
  • Critical/Cultural Studies x
Clear all

Article

Celebrity Politics and Cultural Studies Within the United States and United Kingdom  

Mark Wheeler

Celebrity politicians are having a profound impact on politics within the United States and United Kingdom in the 21st century. With the adoption of social media, celebrity and image candidates have deployed new strategies for attracting constituents. Taken together, the proliferation of celebrity politics and the ubiquity of digital platforms have fostered a political moment, wherein “outsider” candidates have launched themselves into the public spotlight. Through their digital celebrity brands, populists such as U.S. President Donald Trump and U.K. Prime Minister Boris Johnson established an “authenticity” in which they “occupied” a public space. Consequently, as celebrities promote political agendas among target audiences/citizens, it is necessary to reflect upon their significance in election campaigns, policymaking, and activism.

Article

Media, Race, and Ethnicity in Puerto Rico  

Anilyn Díaz-Hernández

Intersections between media, race, and ethnicity in Puerto Rico can be assessed from various perspectives, but the three most important and interrelated are the sociocultural history dimension, the institutional or structural dimension, and the geopolitical dimension. First, the academic and independent literature on media, race, and ethnicity has evolved in tandem with the history of Puerto Rico and of Puerto Ricans in the United States. Understanding this parallelism makes it easier to study the historical evolution of racialized notions of identity. Second, local and global media’s organizational structures and technological evolution have changed the types of content produced and thus the types of racial or ethnic representations. This, in turn, ignites cultural politics, civil action, and social justice debates that cannot be disassociated from race and ethnicity, such as gender identity, sexuality, social class, and access to social services, technologies, and so on. Lastly, Puerto Rico’s colonial status in the 21st century adds a particular geopolitical dimension. This is a necessary framework for understanding this political and economically organized territory, which claims cultural sovereignty over a legacy of colonialism and neocolonialism. In this context, concepts of race and ethnicity have been institutionally lagging and are constantly being redefined. This geopolitical dimension is also interconnected to a great extent with scholarship on Latin American and Caribbean cultural studies about migration vis-à-vis the local and global sociocultural history of social movements and displacement of people since pre-Columbian and colonization eras to the early 21st century. An intertwined and transversal look at these three dimensions—from the vantage point of media, race, and ethnicity—can provide a better study of a case as complex and still poorly understood as Puerto Rican identity. This article approaches the study of media, race, and ethnicity in Puerto Rico through an assessment of available academic scholarship on particular media industries. There are many studies focused on film, television, music, and newspapers. To a lesser degree, there are studies on radio, magazines, photography, and graphic art, as well as their digital variants, over-the-top media, video games, as well as advertising, public relations, and events production. These studies can be also classified by research methods, mostly qualitative, and further enriched using mixed—integrative and cross-sectional—views on race and ethnicity as these relate to other variables of social identity.

Article

Post-Truth and Critical Communication Studies  

Jayson Harsin

While the periodizing concept “post-truth” (PT) initially appeared in the United States as a key word of popular politics in the form “post-truth politics” or “post-truth society,” it quickly appeared in many languages. It is now the object of increasing scholarly attention and public debate. Its popular and academic treatments sometimes differ in respect to its meaning, but most associate it with communication forms such as fake or false news, rumors, hoaxes, and political lying. They also identify causes such as polarization and unethical politicians or unregulated social media; shoddy journalism; or simply the inevitable chaos ushered in by digital media technologies. PT is sometimes posited as a social and political condition whereby citizens or audiences and politicians no longer respect truth (e.g., climate science deniers or “birthers”) but simply accept as true what they believe or feel. However, more rigorously, PT is actually a breakdown of social trust, which encompasses what was formerly the major institutional truth-teller or publicist—the news media. What is accepted as popular truth is really a weak form of knowledge, opinion based on trust in those who supposedly know. Critical communication approaches locate its historical legacy in the earliest forms of political persuasion and questions of ethics and epistemology, such as those raised by Plato in the Gorgias. While there are timeless similarities, PT is a 21st-century phenomenon. It is not “after” truth but after a historical period where interlocking elite institutions were discoverers, producers, and gatekeepers of truth, accepted by social trust (the church, science, governments, the school, etc.). Critical scholars have identified a more complex historical set of factors, to which popular proposed solutions have been mostly blind. Modern origins of PT lie in the anxious elite negotiation of mass representative liberal democracy with proposals for organizing and deploying mass communication technologies. These elites consisted of pioneers in the influence or persuasion industries, closely associated with government and political practice and funding, and university research. These influence industries were increasingly accepted not just by business but also by (resource-rich) professional political actors. Their object was not policy education and argument to constituents but, increasingly strategically, emotion and attention management. PT can usefully be understood in the context of its historical emergence, through its popular forms and responses, such as rumors, conspiracies, hoaxes, fake news, fact-checking, and filter bubbles, as well as through its multiple effects—not the least of which the discourse of panic about it.

Article

Public Sphere(s), Publics, and Counterpublics  

Damien Smith Pfister

Public spheres are sites of communicative interaction that feature citizens turning their attention to collective problems and democratically legitimate solutions. Closely associated with German critical theorist Jürgen Habermas, the idea of public spheres constituted by a range of publics and counterpublics animates a broad array of interdisciplinary scholarship relating to democracy and political theory, argumentation and deliberation, citizenship and civic engagement, media ecologies and the press, and institutions and power relations. Habermas originally theorized the emergence of the bourgeois public sphere as a counterpoint to the aristocratic regimes of early modern Europe, aiming to rescue select democratic practices from an otherwise flawed ideology. Critics of Habermas’s early formulation of the bourgeois public sphere have noted the presence of a multiplicity of public spheres, rather than a single public sphere, the problem of the public/private divide that is definitive of the public sphere, the role of bodies and emotions in addition to language and reason in the formation and operation of publics and counterpublics, the role of media technologies in sustaining and expanding critical publicity, and the difficulties in extracting knowledge claims from the power relations that constitute them. The idea of public spheres has remained resilient despite these criticisms, as any functioning democracy requires a space between the family, the market, and the state to thematize, problematize, and address the challenges of life in groups. Strong public spheres are characterized by hospitality to counterpublics, groups that distinguish themselves from the rational-critical debate of dominant publics through different dispositions, styles, and strategies for steering public attention. Scholarship on public spheres, publics, and counterpublics continues to proliferate, with new directions accounting for the increased prominence of visuality, ecology, digitality, and transnationality in deliberating bodies.

Article

Theories of Economic Justice in the Rhetorical Tradition  

Catherine Chaput and Joshua S. Hanan

Depending on how you approach it, economic justice is either an extremely old intellectual tradition or a relatively new one. From the first perspective, economic justice is part and parcel of classical political philosophy—Plato’s The Republic and Aristotle’s The Politics, for instance, both discuss property distribution in an ideal society, emphasizing the philosophy of justice over economic precepts. From the second perspective, the one we embrace, economic justice is a uniquely modern inquiry that emerged with the writings of Karl Marx and his revolutionary critique of the capitalist political economy. For Marx, economic justice can be understood as a critical enterprise that attempts to locate contradictions between universal and particular conceptions of human freedom and intervene politically into these contradictions with the aim of creating a more just, equitable, and egalitarian society. So conceived, economic justice liberates the collective potential of humanity from its exploitation and degradation by capitalism as well as the various legal institutions it develops to control human behavior for the purpose of extracting of surplus-value. It is this Marxist perspective and the various historical reformulations that it has authorized that influence the way rhetoricians and scholars of cultural studies conceptualize economic justice in the discipline of communication. While not all of these scholars endorse an explicitly Marxist line of thought, they all attempt to conceptualize economic justice as a normative political category that influences various models of rhetorical agency and social change.