Golden Age of Prison Films

First seen during the silent film era, movies about prisons flourished in the U.S. during the 1930s, which has become known as the “golden age” of prison films (Mason, 2006c; Nellis, 1988; Rafter, 2006; Wilson & O’Sullivan, 2004). Due to government restrictions, British filmmakers did not embrace this genre until after World War II (Nellis, 1988; Wilson & O’Sullivan, 2004). During the 1930s more than 60 prison films were produced in Hollywood (Gonthier, 2006), each film presenting a similar plot—a man is unjustly sentenced to prison and he must navigate an environment filled with cruel guards and viscous convicts. Like Andy Dufresne in The Shawshank Redemption, he is framed as a hero, making the audience likely to side with him in his fight against an unfair system. When this new inmate is processed into the prison, he meets with the warden. In these early prison films, he is portrayed as a paternalistic leader of the prison, while in latter films he turns into a “heartless brute” (Rafter, 2006, p. 165). The father-like warden is the voice of reform; he knows that system suffers from serious flaws, but external factors often prevent him from making significant changes. These reform-based messages were a reflection of what was taking place in the actual prison system. It was common for filmmakers to consult actual wardens (Wilson & O’Sullivan, 2004). The medical model was becoming popular during this time. Underlying this model was the belief that crime was similar to a disease; once the cause of criminal behavior was identified a specific treatment could be prescribed. Discussions of reform were abundant in the U.S. prison system and this view was incorporated into prison films through the warden’s views. While he presented an argument in favor of reform (of both the system and the imprisoned men), many of the other prison workers supported punishment as the sole purpose of the prison. The character of the cruel guard or smug hack was introduced in these films. In essence, his brutal ways ensure that punishment is achieved, even when the warden is seeking reformation. An additional core element introduced in these films is an escape or a riot as a major turning point in the storyline (Rafter, 2006). The inmates attempt to achieve justice by revolting against the prison administration or by the inmate hero escaping. Rafter (2006) argues that overall these films tell tales of justice being restored; however, Wilson and O’Sullivan (2004) believe that many are actually about authority being reinstated. It is likely that both are correct. Justice is restored for the inmate hero, while authority is reasserted over the rest of the prison population. While there is a strong reform message in these early prison films, ultimately audience members are told that despite any potential injustices and criticisms of the system, prisons are a social necessity (Cox, 2009); a message that is still prominent is prison films today.

The Development of Prison Films

Popular beliefs, audience desires, technology, and the diversification of the filmmaking industry all have the potential to shape the content of movies, including those about prisons. While the core elements of the quintessential prison film remain untouched, modern films about life behind bars have distinct qualities. One thing that has not changed is that Hollywood remains the main producer of these films. The British prison film tradition began in the 1940s and has developed over the decades with films such as Scum (Parsons, Boyd, Matheson & Clarke, 1979), McVicar (Daltrey & Clegg, 1980), and Greenfingers (Styler, Swords & Hershman, 2000). Yet, as noted by Wilson and O’Sullivan (2004), “the British prison film does not enjoy that high a profile” (p. 24). Other countries, including Brazil, Germany, and Spain, have also released movies about prison; however, none of these countries have established a large catalog of films in this genre. The literature on prison films is a reflection of these differences in production. Most of the research continues to focus on American and British movies.

Golden era films place blame on the system and stress the need for reform. One of the first developments in the genre was to shift the responsibility to the inmates, which took place during the 1940s (Cheatwood, 1998). Films such as Men of San Quentin (Mooney & Beaudine, 1942) highlight the issue of rehabilitation, while simultaneously demonstrating that many of the prisoners are violent men who have done something to deserve imprisonment. By the 1960s the issue of reformation was pushed aside in favor of depicting a more violent inmate population (Cheatwood, 1998). While violence has always been found in prison films, according to Wilson and O’Sullivan (2004), Riot (Castle & Kulik, 1969) marks a turning point in how violence is portrayed in these movies. It depicts the tale of inmates attempting to dig their way to freedom, during which time other prisoners take hold of the prison and a standoff begins. The events that unfold highlight a more brutal inmate culture than previously seen (Wilson & O’Sullivan, 2004). Modern prison films have continued the tradition of depicting a violent prison population and cruel guards—the inmates are super-predators and the guards inflict torture on the inmates (Cecil, 2015a). For example, in Jailbait (Moran, Leonard, Day, Bastian, O’Meara & Leonard, 2004) Jack, an old con, psychologically and physically tortures his young cellmate throughout the entire movie. The film Felon (Tooley & Waugh, 2008), which is based, in part, on actual events, depicts guards orchestrating gladiator fights between inmates in the yard, while threatening to shoot them if they fail to comply. Modern prison films are also much more likely to include prison rape as part of the storyline (Cox, 2009). The level of violence in prison films today serves to support the use of imprisonment. Viewers are still entertained by the story of the inmate hero and can root for his release; however, they witness the utility of an institution that keeps violent men locked away.

There have been additional changes to prison films, including the diversification of the genre and of the inmate population. When prison films first emerged they were novelties (Mason, 2003). With time these movies became familiar to audiences and eventually the genre exhausted itself. The audience became passive, the stories predictable, and these films were no longer taken seriously (Mason, 2003). If one looks at it from this perspective, prison films are now a rarity. Wilson and O’Sullivan (2004) argue that these films have continued to develop by splitting into subgenres; this is where the diversification of prison films comes in to play. After decades of telling the same stories time and again, crafting unique prison tales became difficult (Cecil, 2015a). Filmmakers did not completely abandon these types of stories, instead many chose to tell prison-related tales from other perspectives. In these films, the prison serves as a backdrop for another type of story, including tales of revenge, love, and even martial arts battles (Cecil, 2015a). Viewers are still afforded a peek at institutional life; however, lessons about imprisonment are not prominent. The second development has come in the diversification of the inmates. While minorities are over-represented in the prison population, their stories have been largely absent in films. Cool Hand Luke is the quintessential example. Its depiction of a mostly white prison population is not an accurate reflection of most Southern prisons during that time (Cecil, 2015a). Hollywood itself has changed significantly, resulting in more diverse prison populations being depicted (Cecil, 2015a; Rafter, 2006). In many modern films, race is used to explain divisions in the inmate social system. African American filmmakers have also presented audiences with films about black prisoners. These stories can provide information that is critical to people’s understanding of prison issues; however, most of these movies borrow elements popularized in the early films. In essence, the faces changed, but the stories remain the same.

The “Othering” of Prisoners in the Prison Film Narrative

For over a century viewers have been able to turn to prison films to learn about life behind bars, and in doing so have been confronted by images of those incarcerated. Mason (2006a) believes that it is important to consider how prisoners are constructed in these narratives. While watching these films the audience experiences incarceration from the point of view of the new inmate, who has been wrongly convicted, received an unfair sentence, or has committed a crime under mitigating circumstances. They can relate to this character. He is in sharp contrast to the other prisoners, who are labeled murderers and rapists, and depicted as violent monsters who are immoral and unredeemable (Mason, 2006a, 2006b). Their otherness is further reinforced by their physical appearance (e.g., shaved heads, tattoos, weight lifting, etc.…) (Mason, 2006b). Imagery, music, and dialogue further emphasize the risk these inmates pose. The potential dangers of the prison environment are highlighted when the new inmate talks about his fears or when the guards warn him about the dangers to come. The threat is further implied when he is called “fresh meat” (Mason, 2006b) or met with catcalls as he is taken to his cell for the first time. All of these elements work together to present inmates as being drastically different from the audience; drawing a distinct line between “us” (the audience) and “them” (the inmates), which is what Mason (2006b) refers to as the “othering” of inmates. This depiction of prisoners, who are in sharp contrast to the inmate hero, “leads to the construction of a pro-prison discourse” (Mason, 2006b, p. 618). By framing inmates this way, prisons are seen as an appropriate and effective place to keep those too dangerous to be free in society. It has been noted that popular media frames are commonly reused (Tuchman, 1978). This “othering” of prisoners may have been created in films, but it has been perfected in other types of prison imagery. The idea that most inmates are violent and scary is reinforced time and time again.

Documentary Films

Televised Prison Documentary Series

The nature of prison documentaries changed dramatically with the expansion of cable television. In the beginning viewers were able to catch a glimpse of life in prison in series such as Investigative Reports and Frontline. Over time it became clear that not only was there interest in these documentaries, but also that there were a variety of stories that could be told; eventually prison documentary series developed. These series are different from documentary films. In order to remain on television, they must achieve ratings through sustained viewership, thus entertainment often trumps education. The History Channel and MSNBC aired the first prison documentary series on television in the United States. The Big House (Miranda, 1998) and Lockup (Drachkovitch, 2005) could not have been more different from one another, the first examining prisons from a historical point of view, the latter a virtual tour of some of the most intimidating maximum security institutions in the United States. While the format of The Big House series was not repeated, Lockup became the design that other shows emulated. It is the quintessential example of prisons as infotainment.

In 2000 Lockup originally appeared in the documentary series MSNBC Investigates and eventually became a standalone program. Today, Lockup is the longest running prison documentary series on television, with its 24th season airing in late 2015. While the producers have shifted their focus to county jails, it remains one of the most popular types of prison imagery available. The original episodes feature a single institution with the host John Segenthaler guiding viewers through their virtual tour. While purporting to unlock the gates to present an unbiased look at life behind bars, the end result is a highly edited version of reality (Cecil & Leitner, 2009). First, only maximum security prisons are featured, despite the fact that only one fourth of U.S. prisons fall into that security level (Cecil & Leitner, 2009). Second, Lockup features a disproportionate number of violent offenders serving long sentences, lifers, and death row inmates. It is filled with stories of violence, gangs, and secure housing units (Cecil & Leitner, 2009). Lockup presents viewers with examples of prisons in the United States; however, by relying on violence and otherness to present the story the show contributes to a misunderstanding of imprisonment in the United States.

The format of the original Lockup placed limitations on the storytelling capabilities. The creators had to craft a story that would fit into approximately 42 minutes of airtime, which was likely a factor in their decision to create Lockup Extended Stay (Drachkovitch, 2007). Each season of this series features one institution, which allows for more in-depth examinations of prison life. Viewers are introduced to a variety of prison workers who take them on an extended tour of inner workings of the institution. Several inmates are featured each season, allowing for deeper knowledge of the complexities of their lives before and during imprisonment. There is still a focus on violence, gangs, and secure housing units; however, more contextual information is given, offering audience members a better understanding of the prison environment (Cecil, 2015a).

The popularity of Lockup and its spinoffs did not go unnoticed. Today one can find a variety of prison documentary series on television. The main stories of imprisonment are commonly repeated, but the emphasis differs. For example, National Geographic’s Hard Time (Henry & Smith, 2009) focuses on various prisons in a single state. Other series have taken a page from treatment-based documentaries by featuring rare inmate programs, such as Louisiana Lockdown (Dugger, 2012) and Ramsay Behind Bars (Gordon, 2012). There are also series on the lives of prisoners’ wives and what it is like to work as a rookie correctional officer. In the end, many of the stories remain the same, but the point of view is altered.

Both documentary films and television series offer viewers insight into life in prison by providing them non-fictional imagery. These too, however, are approximations of prison life. The images captured on film are affected by the unpredictable filming environment and its gatekeepers (Cecil, 2015a). According to Cavender and Fishman (1998), there is essentially a deal made between producers and the gatekeepers, which in this case is the prison administration. Access is granted and in exchange the producers “cannot or will not exercise independent and cultural judgment” (Cavender & Fishman, 1998, p. 11). The reality presented to viewers is further shaped by framing and editing, which are used to craft the stories that unfold before their eyes (Cecil, 2015a). While there is some variation, violence is a common frame through which these stories are told, and the “othering” of prisoners continues.

Babes-Behind-Bars Films

Women in prison films have existed since the silent film era. While these films copy many of the elements popularized in movies about male prisons, including inmate heroes, cruel guards, violence, escapes, and riots, other aspects make them distinctive. Early women in prison films were romantic melodramas (Bouclin, 2009). While weaving the typical tale of an inmate unjustly sent to prison, these films provided lessons on proper female behavior (Cecil, 2015a). These movies reflected popular beliefs by presenting female inmates as emotional and hysterical. Women’s relationships with men are a central part of many of these films. Ultimately these men help the justice-achieved storyline by rescuing the damsel in distress (Cecil, 2015a). These films were the first attempt to depict women in prison; however, they remain relatively unknown in comparison to the films popularized in the latter part of the 20th century. These romantic melodramas were replaced by exploitation-style films (Bouclin, 2009), which have become known as babes-behind-bars films. 99 Women (Towers, Laso, & Franco, 1969) was the first film in this genre. Spanish filmmaker Jess Franco created a film filled with sex, gang rape, brutality, and death; this formula was copied by many other filmmakers. These soft-core pornographic movies that depict women behind bars as being sexually deprived and violent, due in part to being locked away from men, became the most well-known representation of incarcerated females. Films such as these “reinforce society’s stereotypes about female prisoners: that they are violent, worthless, sex crazed monsters totally unworthy of humane treatment” (Clowers, 2001, p. 28).

This tradition has carried over into modern women in prison films. For example, Prison-A-Go-Go! (Epstein & Epstein, 2003) is a musical version of babes-behind-bars, complete with a countdown clock indicating the amount of time until the next shower scene. According to Rafter (2006), women in prison films that appear to diverge from this formula are not new creations, rather they often take a typical men-in-prison plot and substitute female characters, such as in Brokedown Palace (Fields, Juban, & Kaplan, 1999). Some women in prison films have addressed the issue of race behind bars. Stranger Inside (Brown, McKay, Stipe, Ebersole & Dunye, 2001) and Civil Brand (Barnette & Barnette, 2002) depict a more accurate representation of the racial make-up of the female prison population, as well as some of the issues faced by incarcerated women (e.g., abuse); however, in the end the women are portrayed as being as violent as male inmates (Cecil, 2015a). Regardless of the specific type of women in prison film, most rely on sex and violence to entertain the audience, thereby leaving behind most of the reality faced by incarcerated women.

Television

Some of the most popular and long-lasting prison television shows depict women behind bars. In 1979 Prisoner: Cell Block H debuted, airing 692 episodes on Australian television. Its popularity resulted in a follow-up series titled Wentworth, which began in 2013. Shows such as these have provided viewers with exposure to women’s institutions. Similar to other prison shows, in many of these cases entertainment outweighs any pedagogy.

Given the tendency to repeat popular frames, even the most serious attempts at depicting women in prison reuse stereotypes popularized in babes-behind-bars films (Wilson & O’Sullivan, 2004). Prisoner: Cell Block H was made during a time of unrest in the Australian prison system. The creators spent months researching and visiting women’s institutions in order to offer a realistic and serious view of prison (Curthoys & Docker, 1989). Rather than actually giving voice to incarcerated women, however, it “came to be seen as the archetypical camped-up cliché” (Wilson & O’Sullivan, 2004, p. 123). Similar comments can be made about other women in prison dramas, including Bad Girls, which made its UK debut in 1999. According to Wilson and O’Sullivan (2004), “prison dramas need to ‘bribe’ their viewers to engage with any account of the reality of prison and any dramatic product that seeks to ‘give voice to prison,’ must also deliver viewing pleasures” (pp. 123–124). Bad Girls does this by offering audience members the entertainment they seek, while inserting messages about female prisoners. The series sends a message that prison may not be the best response for most of the women, while questioning our ability to reform these institutions. Wilson and O’Sullivan (2004) conclude that Bad Girls “has probably done more than any other prison drama to advance the cause of prison reform” (Wilson & O’Sullivan, 2004, p. 135). This sentiment is echoed in current discussions of the newest prison drama—Orange is the New Black. Based on Piper Kerman’s (2010) bestselling memoir of serving time in federal prison, this program is undeniably the most popular prison show in the United States. Similar to programs before it, Orange is the New Black presents an approximation of the prison environment; yet its storylines have addressed a variety of prison issues. Through its first three seasons it has touched on motherhood, abuse, mental illness, solitary confinement, and privatization of corrections. According to Law (2014), “Orange is the New Black—and Kerman’s determined attempt to link people’s interest in the fictional story to real women’s suffering—has helped get Americans talking about prison in a way few pieces of pop culture have” (para. 5). Popular media has joined the conversation by comparing the issues covered in the program to the reality of incarcerated women. The media is using Orange is the New Black as a springboard to discuss mothers behind bars, mental health, the effect of the war on drugs, and other issues (Cecil, 2015b). But even Orange is the New Black cannot escape the babes-behind-bars influence; it still uses sex to titillate its audience.

Documentaries

Documentaries about women’s prisons are not nearly as common as those about men’s institutions. Documentary films focus on correctional treatment programs and issues unique to the female prison population, such as motherhood and domestic violence (Cecil, 2015a). These films do not rely on the sexuality frame, rather they introduce viewers to the complexity of these women’s lives. On occasion, Lockup and other prison documentary series feature women’s prisons and present tales of violence, sex, and motherhood (Cecil, 2007b, 2015a). Only a few series about women in prison have been created and they have not been long lasting. For example, Breaking Down the Bars (Drachkovitch, 2011) aired for one season, featuring women incarcerated in a medium security in prison in Indiana. Rather than focusing on sex and violence, this series focused on addiction and recovery, as well as anger and transformation (Cecil, 2015a). This type of imagery is critical to people’s understanding of a correctional population that is invisible to most people. It is needed to counteract the damage created by the popular sexualized images presented in babes-behind-bars films.

Stories about women in prison have the ability to bring attention to the “irrationality of prison” (Wilson & O’Sullivan, 2004, p. 121). While many of the stories repeat the sexualizing of female prisoners popularized in babes-behind-bars films, the diversity in the imagery today has explored complex issues related to incarcerated women. Viewers have a better chance of understanding these issues than they did when the only available imagery on women in prison was exploitation-style films.