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Studying Long-Term Changes in the Economy and Society Using the HISCO Family of Occupational Measures  

Marco H.D. van Leeuwen

Occupations are a key characteristic for analyzing momentous changes in economy and society. Classical economists rooted their analyses in occupational divisions, emphasizing the division of work and its continuous evolution. Modern economists and economic historians also debate the wealth of nations by looking at the global changes in the labor force, at changing labor force participation rates, at winners and losers in the class structure, and in variations in this across the globe—stressing the importance of human capital for work and of changes therein for economic growth. To study such momentous changes over past centuries, historical occupational data are needed as well as measures and procedures to work with these data systematically and comparatively. The Historical International Standard Classification of Occupations (HISCO) maps occupational titles into a common coding scheme across the globe. HISCO-based measures of economic sector and economic specialization have been derived. To answer a number of interesting questions, the HISCO family has been extended to include HISCO-based measures of social status (HISCAM) and social classes (HISCLASS). Armed with his toolbox, scholars are able to study the development of the economy and society over past centuries.

Article

The Indian Economy After Independence  

Tirthankar Roy

The Indian Union, from the time of independence from British colonial rule, 1947, until now, has undergone shifts in the trajectory of economic change and the political context of economic change. One of these transitions was a ‘green revolution’ in farming that occurred in the 1970s. In the same decade, Indian migration to the Persian Gulf states began to increase. In the 1980s, the government of India seemed to abandon a strategy of economic development that had relied on public investment in heavy industries and encouraged private enterprise in most fields. These shifts did not always follow announced policy, produced deep impact on economic growth and standards of living, and generated new forms of inequality. Therefore, their causes and consequences are matters of discussion and debate. Most discussions and debates form around three larger questions. First, why was there a turnaround in the pace of economic change in the 1980s? The answer lies in a fortuitous rebalancing of the role of openness and private investment in the economy. Second, why did human development lag achievements in income growth after the turnaround? A preoccupation with state-aided industrialization, the essay answers, entailed neglect of infrastructure and human development, and some of that legacy persisted. If the quality of life failed to improve enough, then a third question follows, why did the democratic political system survive at all if it did not equitably distribute the benefits from growth? In answer, the essay discusses studies that question the extent of the failure.

Article

Modern Swedish Economic History  

Svante Prado and Jakob Molinder

The Swedish growth trajectory began in the mid-19th century as external demand for its staples added an important impetus to industrialization and structural transformation. Since then, GDP per capita has increased by a factor of 21, which means that GDP per capital has doubled 4.4 times. At the same time, the population has increased from about 3.5 million to 9.5 million. The manufacturing industry has been the outstanding force propelling the economy forward since the 1870s. It was early on based on the exploitation of the domestic supply of raw materials. From the 1890s, it was gradually producing products higher up in the value-added chain, manifested by the growth of the mechanical engineering industry and the emergence of the electro-mechanical industry. The share of manufacturing in employment terms peaked at about 35% in the 1960s but then declined to about 18% in the 2010s. Yet, the importance of it as a locomotive for economy-wide growth has not declined by nearly as much. Another principal characteristic of Swedish development is large public sector-spending, implying high taxes and ambitions welfare state arrangements. Much of the expansion in social spending occurred in the post-World War II decades by the emergence of the welfare state based on universal principles and income-related benefits. A third attribute of the Swedish economic history is far-reaching compression of incomes. Thanks to wide-spread unionization and centralized agreements between the major organizations in the labor markets, the road was paved for far-reaching compression of the wage structure, which occurred in brief episodes during the 1940s, the late 1960s, and the 1970s. The joint force of these compressions and the welfare state produced a remarkable flat income distribution by the early 1980s, testified by a Gini of about 0.2, perhaps unparalleled among developed countries. As in many other similar countries, the income distribution has widened since the early 1980s, and the other Nordic countries had lower Gini coefficients than Sweden by the mid-2010s. Migration has set a deep mark in Swedish society. Whereas the latter half of the 19th century witnessed a massive outflow of Swedes going to the United States, two different waves of immigration dominated population movements after World War II. The first wave comprised workers from Finland, former Yugoslavia, and South Europe seeking employment in the prospering labor markets of the post-World War II period. This wave ebbed out in the 1970s. The second one comprised mostly asylum seekers from conflict-ridden countries. It began in the 1980s, and it continues. Combined, these waves of immigrations have transformed the Swedish population from being very homogenous into a blend of different origins.