A wonder food is a packaged food product that promises extraordinary health and/or convenience benefits. These benefits are communicated on packaging, in marketing campaigns, and in media testimonials. Because of the industrial and mass market conditions necessary to package and market foods, wonder foods are unique to the industrial food marketplace.
Health wonder foods boomed in the 19th century due to advances in nutrition sciences, the intensification of industrialization, and the eugenicist, imperial, and extractivist politics of this time period. Nutritional entrepreneurship prompted the creation of unique foods that were situated at the intersection of commerce and science, including digestive biscuits, meat biscuits, digestive ferments, sodas, and grain cereals. Following World War II, a range of wonder foods promised to feed the world, as public and private Western global food aid efforts intensified to mitigate the spread of communism. Algae, fish flour, dried milk, and spun soy protein each had moments in which they were poised to solve global hunger and win the Cold War. Later, genetically modified Golden Rice promised to feed the world and solve vitamin A deficiency.
Concomitantly, the post–World War II era ushered in a food processing renaissance. Wartime technologies helped create convenience wonder foods like TV dinners that claimed to change consumers’ lives through the added value of time, longer shelf lives, and more processing to cut cooking time. In the 1990s, the Flavr Savr tomato was genetically modified to produce delicious and hardy tomatoes that would be a win–win for growers, shippers, grocers, and consumers. Finally, complete meal replacements like Soylent promised a 21st-century lifestyle imagined by Victorian futurists, yet digestive complications bring this wonder food full circle to the digestive anxieties of 19th-century wonder foods.
Article
“Wonder Foods”: Food Science and Food Industry
Clare Gordon Bettencourt
Article
Anorexia, Bulimia, and the Embodiment of Capitalist Consumer Culture
Alice Weinreb
Anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa became major health concerns in the 1970s and 1980s, attracting particular attention from second-wave feminists because the conditions were perceived as women’s illnesses. Because these illnesses were thought to exclusively strike prosperous and educated women of the middle class, critics hypothesized that there was something particular to middle-class identity that made these girls and women distinctly vulnerable. Industrial capitalism was newly framed as a cause for the development of eating disorders. Historians traced the origins of anorexia to the Victorian era—the disease first appeared in the medical record in the 1870s—seeing it as a reaction to the pressures and struggles women faced in the newly ascendant bourgeoisie. Although anorexia was itself an obscure diagnosis in the 19th century, late-20th-century literary critics and historians traced anorexic aesthetics and ideals in art and culture of the time, and industrial capitalism was thought to delineate a particular, and pathological, relationship between consumption and bourgeois women. Anorexia became a way to conceptualize the harms of capitalism on middle-class women and to articulate their lives as simultaneously prosperous and deeply oppressive, if not incapacitating.
The idea that early industrial capitalism primed middle-class women for eating disorders was revised by contemporary cultural critics who were struggling to understand why such unprecedented numbers of girls and young women were developing and being diagnosed with eating disorders during the 1970s and 1980s. This unprecedented and inexplicable epidemic implied that postwar consumer growth had specifically gendered harms. Thus, second-wave feminists, including historian Joan Brumberg, psychoanalyst Susie Orbach, and philosopher Susan Bordo, analyzed anorexia and bulimia as a way to articulate the dangers posed by postwar consumer capitalism for girls and women. For them, consumer capitalism was perceived as a primary driver of anorexia and bulimia. The analysis hinged upon the paradoxical meaning of consumption in postwar capitalism, which was the cause of and symbolized by the deadly self-denial of the anorexic and the irrational gorging and purging of the bulimic. Eating disorders thus expressed the gendered and destructive impacts of late-modern capitalism on the female body, combining the demand for unbridled consumption and individual empowerment with expectations of female self-denial and physical smallness. These new ways of thinking about the relationship between economic systems and the health and appearance of individual bodies, particularly though not exclusively female bodies, had profound consequences that shape 21st-century conversations around obesity and the neoliberal market. These attempts to contextualize and historicize anorexia and bulimia by exploring their relationship to consumer capitalism not only made material the link between economic systems and women’s lives and bodies; they also suggested that affluence itself could be a source of sickness.
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Proteins and Meat
Laura-Elena Keck
[This is an advance summary of a forthcoming article in the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Food Studies. Please check back later for the full article.]
Proteins held a special position in 19th-century nutritional debates: “Discovered” in the mid-1800s, they were thought to be the source of muscle energy and seemed to offer solutions to many of the problems and challenges of the industrial age. Meat, in particular, was praised by doctors and nutrition experts as a protein-rich food that could help to combat malnutrition, shape more efficient human bodies, and enhance industrial and military performance—serving not only the needs of the individual but also the interests of the nation state. Meat consumption was also associated with normative concepts of masculinity and “civilization” and was frequently cited as a reason—and justification—for colonialism. In this new equation, meat equaled proteins equaled strength. This attitude slowly started to change in the early 1900s: A growing number of nutrition experts joined early critics—vegetarians and nutrition reformers—in advocating the use of more “efficient” protein and energy sources, while excessive meat consumption increasingly came to be identified as a risk factor for disease. Nevertheless, today we can see many of the 19th-century preoccupations with proteins, meat, “civilization,” and masculinity lingering or re-emerging in dietary trends like the “paleo diet,” protein-enriched “functional foods,” or books written by vegan bodybuilders. Transcending nutritional debates, these phenomena are symptomatic of broader attitudes toward eating, health, society, and the human body.