The Bracero Program began in 1942 as a temporary wartime measure but was extended repeatedly until 1964. During that time, more than 4.5 million braceros received contracts to work in the United States, primarily as agricultural laborers. Before the program ended, braceros worked in thirty-eight states in the United States, with the majority contracted by eight states.
With the attack on Pearl Harbor by Japanese forces on December 7, 1941 and the subsequent sinking of two Mexican vessels by German submarines, Mexico and the United States entered into a bilateral agreement. In actuality, there were two bilateral agreements, the first extending from 1942 to 1949, and the second, enacted as Public Law 78, starting in 1951 and culminating in 1964. Throughout the program’s existence Mexico strove to ensure favorable conditions under which braceros were to be contracted, especially in light of the strong opposition to the program among a number of sectors in Mexico and the long history of discrimination against people of Mexican descent in the United States. Like Mexico, the United States faced opposition to the contract labor program from both employers and labor unions. Employers were wary of too much government interference in their ability to secure a plentiful and cheap labor supply, while labor unions viewed the program as a threat to organizing efforts and as an obstacle to achieving better working conditions and pay for agricultural workers in the United States. The Bracero Program also deeply affected the braceros themselves in both positive and negative ways. And it had a profound impact on the families of the braceros who left to work in the United States. The program was plagued by a number of issues and problems, primarily resulting from a lack of enforcement and widespread contract violations. Despite the problems associated with the program, both countries touted its benefits, not only to their economy, but to the braceros themselves. The braceros did not passively accept their fate and challenged their treatment in a variety of ways. Although the Bracero Program ended in 1964, its legacy continues to affect US–Mexican relations to this day. Furthermore, former braceros and their descendants have undertaken a movement to demand reimbursement for wages promised them under the requirements of the Bracero Program.
Article
The Bracero Program, 1942–1964
Juan R. García
Article
Domestic Service and Labor Laws in Chile and Argentina, 1931–1956
Inés Pérez and Elizabeth Hutchison
The regulation of labor relations and social rights substantially changed workers’ lives over the course of the 20th century. Domestic service, however, was only poorly and belatedly protected under labor law, and its incorporation proceeded in a slow, ambiguous, and nonlinear manner. The specific ways in which domestic service regulation emerged in Chile and Argentina, respectively, offer insight into this process and also present some important contrasts, despite the nations’ geographic proximity. In Chile, although the rights recognized for household workers were limited, the Labor Code of 1931 included an article on domestic service. In Argentina, the first comprehensive regulation for this sector was a special statute sanctioned by decree in 1956. In both cases, the “special” nature of such regulation was attributed to the place of domestic service in family life. As domestic labor was reconceptualized through legislative reform in each country, household workers gradually came to enjoy some, but not all, of the rights guaranteed to other workers.
Article
Masculinities, Consumption, and Domesticity during the Perón Era
Natalia Milanesio
Supported by a multiclass alliance including the working class and some sectors of industry and the military, Juan Domingo Perón’s government (1946–1955) industrialized the country, modernized and expanded the state, transformed local and national politics, empowered the labor unions, and substantially improved the standard of living. Perón combined a strong nationalistic and anti-oligarchic discourse with concrete material benefits like high wages, the expansion and consolidation of the retirement system, paid vacations, housing subsidies, and full employment that ensured the political support of large sectors of the working population. Like the workers, various other traditionally disenfranchised social sectors took center stage. The very poor became the main beneficiaries of the charities run by first lady Eva Perón; women won the right to vote with a law passed in 1947 and were mobilized and politicized by the Peronist Party; and children were recognized by the government as the true heirs of the new Argentina built by Peronism and thus subject to co-optation and indoctrination. At the same time, internal migrants, attracted by the promises of a better life and industrial employment, left the countryside and small towns in the interior for the cities, propelling a profound process of urbanization. The cultural, social, political, and economic changes that marked the Peronist years had major consequences for gender relations, roles, and identities, transforming the ways of being a man or a woman in mid-twentieth-century Argentina. Those changes profoundly reshaped discursive and symbolic representations of masculinities as well as social and cultural expectations of manhood across different social classes while creating the political, social, and economic conditions that facilitated the transformation of masculinity as a lived, everyday experience.
Article
A Short Introduction to the Military Units to Aid Production (UMAP), Cuba, 1965–1968
Andy Alfonso
During the long 1960s, the populist revolt that would be later recognized as the Cuban Revolution plunged into a phase of institutionalization in its promise to arrest a past of imperial rule and usher in a present of social equity. With the construction of the new society came the development of infrastructures that would not only cement the transition to socialism, but that would also underpin the nationalization of foreign companies that dovetailed with both the expropriation of domestic businesses and the implementation of agrarian reforms. Among the incipient institutions, the Military Units to Aid Production (UMAP, for its acronym in Spanish) played a foundational role.
Erected in the former province of Camagüey, this system of militarized compounds operated from 1965 to 1968 as agricultural, forced-labor camps for the government to reform citizens who didn’t conform to the status quo. Based on testimonial and informant accounts, historians have estimated that between 25,000 and 35,000 people—among them hippies, vagrants, drug addicts, intellectuals, Catholics, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Abakuá members, homosexuals—were concentrated therein, subjected to different degrees of physical punishment, psychiatric treatment, and ideological reeducation.
In the wake of domestic and international backlash, authorities shut down the camps, destroying and classifying records of their activities. That, together with state-driven tactics of media manipulation and control of social memory, produced a gap in Cuban historiography, which continued to deepen until the 21st century. Since 2006, however, efforts to reconstruct the history of the UMAP have been brought to the fore in print and digital sources. Such exposure, in turn, has demonstrated the need to revise the primary literature as well as the scholarly debate surrounding the phenomenon.
