Territory, Economy, and Labor in the Colonial North
Summary and Keywords
The Portuguese occupied the northern region of South America in the early 17th century. It constituted a separate province of the Portuguese possessions in South America. This province comprised several landscapes, including the vast Amazonian forest in the west and plains in the east. It bordered the other administrative province in Portuguese America, the State of Brazil and also the Dutch, French, and Spanish colonies in the Amazon region. For most of the colonial period, the region became heavily dependent on Indian labor force for agriculture and especially for the exploitation of forest products gathered in the vast Amazonian backlands (the sertão). The role played by Indian laborers (both free and slave), by forest products (known as drogas do sertão), and by the expansion of agriculture and grazing in the eastern plains shaped a centrifugal society and economy. Moreover, the fact that the region bordered Dutch, Spanish, and French colonies transformed the frontier into a central issue of Portuguese policies towards the region.
The Iberians conquered the Amazon region at the beginning of the 17th century, when the crowns of Portugal and Spain were united under the same Hapsburg kings (1580–1640). Thus, one has to comprehend the conquest of the Amazon within the Spanish policies towards South America, even though Portugal retained considerable political autonomy after the unification of the crowns.1
Before the Spanish and Portuguese, since the late 15th century, sailors from many European nations visited the Amazonian Atlantic coast but did not settle in the region nor explore its vast interior forests. The Amazon River would be explored by Europeans only in the mid-16th century by Spanish soldiers, who traveled along the entire river, coming from the Andes, in two isolated enterprises.2 In the late 16th century, Dutch and English established trading posts in the Amazon delta, especially on the northern shore of the Amazon River. Eastward, the French managed to settle on an island and founded the village of Saint Louis.3
From the beginning of the 17th century onward, until the late 1630s, the Iberians sought to gain control of the northern territory, which they believed was its own by the Treaty of Tordesillas (late 15th century). Saint Louis was conquered by the Portuguese in 1615, and rebaptized as São Luís. The city of Belém was founded on the eastern part of the Amazon River delta, in 1616, and became the spearhead for the conquest of the region. Struggles against the English and the Dutch in the Amazon delta were intense in the 1620s and 1630s. One can argue that, from the 1640s onwards, the Portuguese consolidated their dominion over the delta, although at that time, this was mostly limited to the southern banks of the Amazon River.4
In 1621, the Spanish crown determined the foundation of an independent province in the north, called State of Maranhão (or State of Maranhão and Pará—Estado do Maranhão). This new administrative region was thought to serve as a connection and protection between the Hispanic colonies in the west, and the State of Brazil (Estado do Brasil), in the east. The independent status of the State of Maranhão did not end when the crown of Portugal separated from Castile, in 1640.
Territory and Frontiers
Since its foundation in 1621, the State of Maranhão experienced many territorial configurations, encompassing several regions, ecosystems and a multitude of diverse native peoples. Thus, although the largest part of its territory comprised the Amazon forest, different landscapes characterized the eastern part of the State.
In terms of the political division of its territory, the State of Maranhão existed from 1621 until 1751. The official capital of the entire province was the city of São Luís, although governors usually resided in the city of Belém. During this period, the State comprised three royal captaincies: Pará, Maranhão, and Piauí (the latter from the beginning of the 18th century).5 From the 1630s until the 1680s, the kings granted several property captaincies in the region to private owners as a reward. Many of these captaincies survived until they were bought and incorporated by the Crown in the mid-18th century.6
In 1751, the State was refounded as State of Grão-Pará and Maranhão (Estado do Grão-Pará e Maranhão), and Belém was assigned as the new official capital.7 In 1755, the Portuguese created a new captaincy in the western frontier: São José do Rio Negro (although installed only in 1757).8 The mid-18th century administrative and political reconfiguration of the State was closely linked to the Treaty of Madrid negotiations, between Spain and Portugal, to define the borders of their possessions in South America, which began in the 1740s and culminated in its signing in January 1750.9
This configuration lasted until the mid-1770s, when the State split into two different provinces: State of Grão-Pará and Rio Negro (Estado do Grão-Pará e Rio Negro), and State of Maranhão and Piauí (Estado do Maranhão e Piauí). All these States and captaincies ceased to exist as independent administrative districts after the independence of Brazil, in 1822, and were gradually incorporated as “provinces” of the new Brazilian empire.
The frontier status is one of the most important elements of Portuguese Amazonia during colonial (and even modern) times (Figure 1). As an independent province, directly related to the Court in Portugal, there were basically two sets of different frontiers, with diverse historical paths. On the one side, the internal frontier. On the east and southwest, the State of Maranhão bordered the other Luso-American province, the State of Brazil.
Since the late 17th century, cattle ranchers from the captaincy of Bahia had been occupying the sertões of the Parnaíba River, a region that would be incorporated into the State of Maranhão in the early 18th century, as the captaincy of Piauí. Cattle ranching would be responsible for the expansion of Portuguese dominion in this region. The captaincy of Piauí would be a region that linked both States of Portuguese America.10
In the southwest of the Amazon forest, since the beginning of the 18th century, settlers had been exploring the rivers Guaporé and Mamoré, reaching the Madeira River connecting the captaincy of Pará to the mines of Mato Grosso (officially subordinated to the State of Brazil). This was a second internal frontier between the State of Maranhão and the State of Brazil.11
One can distinguish two main regions at the external frontiers: the Guiana frontiers and the western frontiers. For both, the interests of European powers were insufficient to understand the vicissitudes of these frontier zones. In fact, Amazonian Indians agenda was crucial, since the vast interior forest territory was basically an indigenous territory.
In the region known as Cabo do Norte, especially since the 1670s, the Portuguese faced the threat of French who established themselves in Cayenne. Indian alliance with the French represented a menace to the Portuguese pleas over the region. The main bone of contention was the precise location of the border between the two colonies. Despite the efforts of authorities, Indians, fugitive African slaves, smugglers, and soldiers circulated and communicated across borders.12
Further to the west, the Portuguese were increasingly concerned with the presence of the Dutch, who had many colonies in the territories of modern Surinam and Guiana. Although the Dutch settlements concentrated closer to the Caribbean shores, the networks they established with Indian groups, in exchange for goods and slaves, infiltrated the regions of the Branco River alerting the Portuguese colonial authorities.13
Even further west, in the vast hinterland between the basins of the Negro and the Solimões rivers, a broader frontier with the Spanish colonies was a constant source of problems. The Spanish Jesuit missions of Maynas bordered the Portuguese territories and were frequently raided by Portuguese enslavers, beginning in the late 17th century. Moreover, Indians groups who lived in the region negotiated with both sides, according to their own interests and needs, adding an important element in the delicate equilibrium of these frontiers. A series of treaties tried to settle the frontier, without much success. That was the case of the famous Treaty of Madrid (1750), annulled by the Treaty of Pardo (1761); and the Treaty of San Ildefonso (1777).14
One can argue that the Portuguese Amazonian colony was a centrifugal society. Many factors can be listed to understand this feature. First, the importance of Indian labor force, throughout the entire colonial period, which led to the constant search for Indians, both free and slaves, in the interior forests.
Second, a considerable part of colonial economy relied upon the extraction of forest products in the Amazonian territory (the drogas do sertão), and cattle ranching on the grasslands of the captaincies of Maranhão and Piauí. Both economic activities were expansive, since the drogas had to be found on the main rivers of the Amazon region (Xingu, Madeira, Solimões, Japurá, among others). Grazing expanded over the vast plains of the eastern borders of the State do Maranhão.
Third, since the mid-17th century, missionary orders spread through the main rivers of the colony, where they established missionary villages to evangelize Indians from many cultural backgrounds. These missionary towns would be transformed into laic Portuguese villages in the mid-18th century and would become the basis of the Amazonian urban network. Finally, being a frontier zone, the Amazon region’s defense was a constant source of concern. A series of fortresses were established close to the main villages and in the far hinterland, a network that continued to expand until the late 18th century.
If Portuguese territorial control was not spread all over the vast Amazonian territory, which remained an indigenous territory, however, one could argue that during colonial period, the Portuguese achieved a considerable dominion over the main routes, which at that time meant the control over the main fluvial networks.
In terms of economic territoriality, there existed three main areas of economic activity: the backlands, agriculture, and cattle ranching.
The Portuguese transformed the vast Amazonian sertão, available through the complex fluvial network, into the core area of two of the most important economic activities: the gathering of forest products (drogas do sertão) and the Indian slave trade.
After the 1640s, the Portuguese found products of interest, cacao (Theoboroma cacao) and clove bark (Dicypellium caryophyllatum Nees) being the most important. Clove bark triggered the attention of the Court since, although it was the bark of a tree, it was similar in smell and taste to the Indian clove. Thus, clove bark, which the Portuguese were never able to domesticate, was seen as a possible substitute for the Indian spice.15
In the case of cacao, its growing importance in the Spanish colonies led the Portuguese to ponder the evidence of native cacao abundance in the State of Maranhão as a potential economic activity. Nevertheless, even if cultivation spread over the area close to the city of Belém, settlers widely gathered wild cacao in many of the rivers of the Amazonian region. In the mid-1720s, Amazonian cacao experienced a boom, spurred by international prices. Cacao became the most important product of Amazonian economy during the entire colonial period, and even during part of the 19th century. Besides cacao and clove, exploitation of forest products included sarsaparilla, copaiba oil, woods, and at the end of the 18th century, Brazil nuts, and even some rubber.16
Agriculture was practiced in many regions, including the surroundings of the main cities and towns. Since the late 17th century, the island of São Luís, and the rivers that debouche near the city of Belém became the first main rural area of the colonial Amazon region. Manioc cultivation was omnipresent in the region, as Europeans incorporated the consumption of manioc flour from the pre-Columbian Indian traditions. Besides manioc, settlers planted cacao, coffee, tobacco, annatto, indigo, sugar cane, and beans, among other products. From the second half of the 18th century onward, cultivation expanded, owing to the incentives of the Crown and the increase of population, including new regions such as the Tocantins River and later along the mid-Amazon River banks, near Santarém and Óbidos.17
In the second half of the 18th century, a Crown-sponsored program to trigger Carolina rice production met with success. It was implemented mainly at the mouth of the Amazon River, on its northern shore; and especially in the captaincy of Maranhão, which became an important producer and exporter at the end of the century.18
Cotton was also widely planted and harvested on the Itapecuru River, in the captaincy of Maranhão, mainly from the second half of the 18th century onward. Cotton exports increased especially after the 1780s, owing to the growth of European demand, although the cotton industry in Maranhão suffered many crises throughout the colonial and independent period. Both rice and cotton in Maranhão relied heavily on the African slave trade, which increased in the second half of the 18th century (see “Labor”).19
Cattle ranching spread over two main regions of the vast territory of the State of Maranhão. In the Marajó island eastern plains, since the early 1730s, land grants were given to settlers for cattle ranching, and grazing expanded since then.20 On the eastern plains of the State, in the south of the captaincy of Maranhão and in the captaincy of Piauí, cattle ranching was responsible for the expansion of the colonial frontier.21
The economic history of the State of Maranhão, later State of Grão-Pará and Maranhão is usually divided into two main periods: before and after the mid-18th-century reforms undertaken by Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo (1699–1782), Marquis of Pombal (minister of Dom José I). There is no doubt about the importance of a series of reforms Portugal underwent during the reign of Dom José I (1750–1777), which affected many sectors of Portuguese society, economy, and political structure.22
Besides transformations on the structure of Indian labor and territorial organization, in the case of the Amazonian economy, Pombal’s policies were implemented mainly through the foundation of a trade company called Companhia Geral do Grão-Pará e Maranhão (CGGPM), created in 1755.23 The crown believed the CGGPM could spur economic activity in the Amazon region. Thus, it entrusted to the Company the organization of trade between Portugal and its colony, through the establishment of a regular route that connected Belém and São Luís to Africa and Lisbon. Not only was the Company supposed to organize trade in the sertão and the export of the Amazonian spices, it also had to deliver African slaves to the region to support the incentive to agriculture put in practice by the Crown.
Although the CGGPM suffered many critiques, both in the colony and in Portugal, it lasted until 1778, when it was officially abolished by the Crown. Along with other of Pombal’s policies for the region, the Company changed in part the organization of economic activities in the region. It helped the appearance of a new mercantile elite; and it helped to consolidate agricultural activities, especially in the captaincy of Maranhão, such as the cultivation of Carolina rice, for example. In the case of the Amazon region, even if the gathering of the drogas do sertão continued to be important, however, agriculture developed or increased in many regions.24
Indians were of most importance in the Amazon region. Since the beginning of the conquest of the region, Europeans realized that Indians were indispensable as warriors, pilots, rowers, guides, and laborers in general. The importance of rivers in this colonial territory determined the total dependence of the Europeans on Indian technologies of river navigation. Portuguese soon adopted manioc flour as the “bread of the land,” as a Jesuit father asserted. Knowledge about cultivation in the fertile margins of Amazonian river depended also on Indian millennial expertise. A lingua franca, created by the missionaries, but based on Tupi language, known as nheengatu (good speech), was widely spoken in the region.25 If the Portuguese could achieve the conquest of the main river routes, that was because Indians were the main guides through the labyrinthic river network and the forest. And also, because Indians, for most of the colonial period, they were the main labor force in the region.
Indian labor was subject to a series of laws from the beginning of the 17th century. One of the main issues concerned legal and illegal Indian slavery. A second crucial question was the role of free colonial Indians in Amazonian society.
Indian labor legislation became more complex from the 1640s onward, when the Portuguese crown became independent of Castile. Although the idea of Indian freedom was central to the Portuguese, the Crown officially authorized slavery for two long periods: from 1653 until 1680, and from 1688 until 1755, when it was abolished for all (at least formally). Although Indian slavery became an issue of constant discussion, it was never seriously challenged; what became the center of argument was the basis for its legitimization.
Even though legal enslavement was possible for almost a hundred years, illegal slavery was a common feature of the Portuguese Amazon region. Complaints about “abuses” by the Portuguese settlers were frequent and came from several groups within colonial society—Indians, clerics, local and royal authorities—and in the Court. However, one could argue that all the social groups in the colony in a way of another took part in this trade, be it legal or not. There is no way of measuring with precision the amount of Indian slave trade, since data are scarce.26
Although Indian slavery was central it was not the only form of compulsory labor that implicated native Amazonians. In fact, since the beginning of the conquest of the region a series of systems for compelling colonial Indians to work for the Portuguese or the Crown were put in place.
Since 1655, Indians from diverse cultural backgrounds were brought from the sertões (descimento, literally, to descend, a reference to the navigation downward the rivers) and gathered in towns controlled by the missionaries. Missionaries of different religious orders controlled these villages where they indoctrinated the natives and controlled their distribution as laborers in the settlers’ houses and estates (repartição). This system lasted with interruptions (1663–1680) until 1755.27 The missionary towns were multiethnic spaces where the clerics had to negotiate daily with the Indians and their own social arrangements.28
In the context of the mid-18th century Pombal’s reforms, and in a conjuncture of frontier negotiations between Portugal and Spain, the missionary system was radically altered. Royal authorities and the Crown eventually decided to laicize the aldeias system, besides determining the end of Indian slavery (in 1755). The new system, known as Diretório dos Índios (1758), determined the influence of laic authorities in the organization of the towns, in terms of economic activities (both agriculture and the gathering of forest products in the sertão), labor, and politics. The Diretório lasted for forty years and was harshly criticized throughout its period of validity.29 In 1798, the Crown eventually abolished the Diretório. It was substituted by a new royal determination known as the Carta Régia de 1798. The end of the 18th century was particularly critical for the Portuguese Amazon, owing to a series of crises undergone by the Royal Treasury in the region, political troubles in the frontiers, and a lack of labor force, both African and Indian. For a further discussion on both the Diretório and the Carta Régia, see Patrícia Melo Sampaio’s chapter in this volume.30
The importance of Indian labor did not mean that African slavery was absent or unimportant, however. To understand African slavery in the region, one has to consider the heterogeneity of this vast province of Portuguese America, and the existence of different economic conjunctures.
African slave trade increased notably after the mid-18th century, with the monopolistic trade company. Nevertheless, Indian labor continued to be central for the region’s economy, especially in its western Amazonian counterpart. Crown’s policies in the mid-18th century, however, relied on an increase of agricultural activities for which African slaves were seen as vital. The establishment of the trade company had then to connect the region with African ports on a regular basis and spur production.
Thousands of slaves arrived from then on. During the time of its operation (the CGGPM ended in 1778), the trade company brought a little more than forty-one thousand slaves into the captaincies of Maranhão and Pará (including a small number of slaves coming from other ports of Portuguese America). After the company, when cotton and rice plantations thrived in the captaincy of Maranhão, this province received a little more than fifty-six thousand slaves (1787–1815). In the same period, seventeen thousand Africans arrived at the captaincy of Pará.31
Discussion of the Literature
Historiography about colonial Amazonia has changed in the last twenty years. General approaches on the northern province of colonial Portuguese America are almost non-existent and, since the 19th century, the region was integrated as part of general histories or interpretations of Brazil.
In the 19th and 20th century, classic regional historiography followed the borders of the modern Brazilian states. Thus, scholars tended to write about the colonial history of Pará, of Maranhão and of Piauí as separate entities and did not consider the region as a whole. Perhaps the exceptions are the works of João Francisco Lisboa (1812–1863) and Arthur Cezar Ferreira Reis (1906–1993). Lisboa, a liberal historian from Maranhão, wrote the “Apontamentos, notícias e observações para servirem à história do Maranhão,” published in 1853 and in 1858. Although focusing more on the captaincy of Maranhão, the “Apontamentos . . .” constitute a general history of the State of Maranhão in the 17th century, based on archival research in Maranhão and in Lisbon.32
Arthur Cezar Ferreira Reis was one of the most important and prolific historians who wrote about the Amazon region. In his vast production, which spanned the early 1930s until the 1980s, many volumes were dedicated to the colonial Amazon region. Ferreira Reis focused on the political aspects of the conquest, the frontier issues, and construed a general interpretation of colonization in which he praised the Luso-Brazilian deeds, being not only a scholar but also a man connected to the Brazilian development policies for the region.33
In the second half of the 20th century, historians wrote general histories of Brazilian states, in which the colonial period constituted the initial part of the history of each region. Organized chronologically, these regional histories focused mainly on the political and economic aspects of the Iberian and Portuguese conquest and colonization of the region. In general, archival research was limited in these accounts. These authors also wrote sparse texts on the colonial period.34
Religious histories, especially the history of the Jesuits, owing to their importance in colonial times, received particular attention.35 Inserted in a general endeavor of the Society of Jesus to publish its own historical account, Father Serafim Leite (1890–1969) published a ten-volume history of the Jesuits in Brazil. Two of the volumes are dedicated to the missions and deeds of the Jesuits in the north. Apologetical and with an extensive archival research, these two volumes still today constitute the main reference of the history of the Jesuits in Amazonia.36
An important and renovated endeavor on the history of the church in the Amazon region were the works of a group that took part in the Commission for the History of the Church in Latin America and the Caribbean (CEHILA). Closely related to the renovation of the Latin American Catholic Church and influenced by the Theology of Liberation, this group organized the História da Igreja na Amazônia (1992), in which five chapters are dedicated to the colonial period.37
Since the 1950s, many scholars outside Brazil have written important texts on the Amazon region.38 One has to stress three pioneering texts. First, the one of Dauril Alden on cacao, based on extensive archival research, in which, he explains the dynamics of cacao economy, the main export product in colonial times. Second, the PhD dissertation of David Sweet, who dealt with the history of the Portuguese expansion in the colonial Amazon, focusing on the complexity of the relationship established between the Portuguese and the Indian groups of the region, especially in the western frontier. And finally, John Hemming’s Red Gold and the Amazon Frontier, which, although not exclusively on the Amazon region, represent a comprehensive account of the relationship between the Portuguese and the American Indians, and devote several chapters to the northern province.39
In recent decades, an important feature of historiographical works on colonial Amazonia has been the growing importance of Indian history. This is a general trend of Brazilian historiography, which nuanced the centrality of European agency to understand the history of the region, abandoned a narrative of mere victimization of the Indians, and began to deepen the comprehension of the multiple and complex role Indians have had in the shaping of colonial society. An important threshold in this tendency was the publication of the História dos Índios no Brasil (1992), which had several chapters on the Amazon region. Connected to the development of indigenous history as an academic field (a process related to the political struggles of the Indian themselves in Brazil) the ethnohistorical approach of this volume revealed an important change in the history of the region, influential on contemporary works.40
This trend became more important in the 21th century. A series of works not only incorporated Indian agency but also deepened the comprehension of its complexity for the understanding of colonization process. This led to a revision of the role Indians played in the conquest of the region, as key elements of this process, limiting or enhancing European agency; in the aldeias and vilas, negotiating multiple aspects related to everyday life, and interfering in labor issues; in the dynamics of Portuguese frontier and territories, as a crucial factor for European dominion of the region.41
Indian labor remains a crucial theme in the historiography of the Amazon region, which has been renovated by studies focused on the African slave trade and the role Africans (and their many ethnic origins) played in colonial society (including their relationship with Amazonian Indians), especially for the second half of the 18th century, notably for the captaincy of Maranhão, and the specific connections that linked the region to western Africa.42
The renewal ensued by this new indigenous history led to the reassessment of the Crown’s Indian policy in the region. Scholars now see royal orders and laws as a result of a complex scenario in which different groups of colonial society struggle and take part, including the Indians themselves. Indian policy is now understood from the viewpoint of how it was assimilated by the complex colonial society, and how each group tried to negotiate or benefit from the renewal of royal decisions.43
Most of its territory being a frontier with Indian and other European dominions, the Portuguese Amazon region is now seen from a less lusocentric viewpoint. Besides considering Indian territorial dynamics, scholars now incorporate a transnational approach. Recent scholars in Brazil have been researching in Brazilian and Portuguese archives, but also, in Spanish, Peruvian, Colombian and Ecuadorian libraries and archives. This has led to a more comprehensive approach, especially of frontier issues and dynamics, focusing on interactions between regions and peoples segregated by “national” (colonial and modern) historiographical boundaries.44
The recent digitization of the entire collection of documents from the Inquisition of Lisbon, held by the Portuguese national archive, contemporary to the shift of Brazilian historiography toward a more cultural history, has made it possible for a larger number of scholars in Brazil to pay attention to vast documentation that enlightens aspects of everyday life and habits. A series of new works examine religious practices, sexuality, social mobility, and the complex and mixed composition of colonial society.45
Finally, one has to point out to the importance demography has been given in the last decade. Although concentrated in the end of the colonial period, owing to the existence of population data, new works are examining the complex social composition of Amazonian population, migration, the demographic tendencies of the late colonial period and the impact of epidemics throughout the 18th century.46
Published material available online includes several types of sources: First, documents related to the Iberian conquest of the region, in the early 17th century, published in the Anais da Biblioteca Nacional (vol. 26), and a volume edited by Cândido Mendes de Almeida. Second, the transcription of official correspondence, such as those published by the Anais da Biblioteca Nacional (vols. 66 and 67), the Annaes da Bibliotheca e Archivo Publico do Pará (vols. 1 to 8), and the Brazilian Senate, which edited government letters from the Pombaline period.
Third, the editing of religious letters and chronicles, including those written by the Jesuit Fathers Cristóbal de Acuña, Antonio Vieira (vols. 1 and 3), and João Felipe Bettendorff, in the 17th century; João Daniel (vols. 1 and 2) and José de Moraes, in the 18th century; and general-vicars and bishops, such as José Monteiro de Noronha, and João de São José e Queiroz, both writing in the second half of the 18th century.
Fourth, accounts of voyages undertaken by laic authorities and scientists, in the second half of the 18th century, like Judge Francisco Xavier Ribeiro de Sampaio, and especially parts of the texts written by the naturalist Alexandre Rodrigues Ferreira, published in volumes 48, 49, 50, and 51 of the Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro.
Finally, from the end of the 17th century, settlers and authorities wrote historical accounts of the entire region, published in the 18th and 19th centuries. That was the case of Francisco Teixeira de Moraes, published in the Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, and especially, the Annaes historicos do Estado do Maranhão, written by Governor Bernardo Pereira de Berredo.
Unpublished sources related to the colonial north can be found in several archives and libraries in Brazil and Portugal. Some of the collections have been entirely digitized. In Portugal, the main repositories are the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino and the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal. The first holds documents sent to Overseas Council, beginning in the 17th century. The most important section is the “Avulsos,” which consists of sparse documents sent from the colony and sometimes the correspondent analysis and consultation by the Council in Lisbon. The Portuguese National Library’s section “Reservados” hold several sparse documents produced in the region or related to it. Of special importance are those of the “Colecção Pombalina,” which inventory is available online.
In the Portuguese National Archive, Arquivo Nacional da Torre do Tombo, one can find information related to the north in several funds that hold official documents produced by the Crown. Of special interest are the funds of the “Companhia Geral do Grão-Pará e Maranhão,” a repository of more than 200 volumes, which holds the accounting and administrative register of the trade company; and the Inquisition of Lisbon, which holds denunciations and judicial process related to the city of Lisbon and the overseas territories.
The Biblioteca da Ajuda (in Lisbon) and the Biblioteca Pública de Évora (in Évora) also hold important material on the north. The first has documents of several types, originated initially from the documents held by the Royal House. In Évora one can find several documents related to the north, especially those produced by the Jesuits. An inventory of the “Colecção Rivara” was published in the 19th century (see volume 1 for documents related to the region).
The Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, in Rome, holds the collection Brasile, which has the letters written by the Jesuits from Portuguese America. There is considerable correspondence sent from Maranhão and Pará (see: Bras. 9 and Bras. 25 to 28).
In Brazil, both the national library and the national archive hold material related to the north, especially from the late 18th century onwards. The Arquivo Nacional organized a specific research tool for those interested in colonial history, the “Roteiro de Fontes do Arquivo Nacional para a História Luso-Brasileira.” The archive holds several kinds of documents, from land grant registers to correspondence between colonial authorities.
The Biblioteca Nacional holds several kinds of documents, including cartographic representations of the north, many of them digitized and available online. An agreement between the national libraries of Brazil and Portugal created the “Biblioteca Digital Luso-Brasileira” where one can have access to many digitized documents (keyword research is available).
Regional archives hold local material that cannot be found in national libraries. The Arquivo Público do Estado do Maranhão digitized most of the colonial documents, which are available online. The archive holds documents from the municipal council of São Luís, since 1645; official documents from the royal authorities, since the 1720s; and documents from the bishopric of São Luís, created in the 1670s.
The Arquivo Público do Estado do Pará holds a considerable collection of colonial documents, especially from the second half of the 18th century onward, consisting mainly of letters sent to and written by the royal authorities. Although a significant effort of digitizing the material has been taking place, documents are still unavailable online. Finally, the Arquivo Público do Estado do Piauí holds material from the second half of 18th century onward, mainly official documents.
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Harris, Mark. Rebellion on the Amazon: The Cabanagem, Race, and Popular Culture in the North of Brazil, 1798–1840. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.Find this resource:
Hawthorne, Walter. From Africa to Brazil: Culture, Identity, and an Atlantic Slave trade, 1600–1830. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.Find this resource:
Mello, Marcia Eliane Alves de Souza e. Fé e império: as Juntas das Missões nas conquistas portuguesas. Manaus, Brazil: EdUA, 2009.Find this resource:
Mota, Antonia da Silva. As famílias principais: redes de poder no Maranhão colonial. São Luís São Luís: EdUFMA, 2012.Find this resource:
Mott, Luiz. Piauí colonial: população, economia e sociedade. (2nd ed.). Teresina: APL/FUNDAC, 2010.Find this resource:
Roller, Heather Flynn. Amazonian Routes. Indigenous Mobility and Colonial Communities in Northern Brazil. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2014.Find this resource:
Santos, Fabiano Vilaça dos. O governo das conquistas do norte: trajetórias administrativas no Estado do Grão-Pará e Maranhão (1751–1780). São Paulo, Brazil: Annablume, 2011.Find this resource:
Sampaio, Patrícia Melo. Espelhos partidos: etnia, legislação e desigualdade na colônia. Manaus, Brazil: EdUA, 2012.Find this resource:
Sommer, Barbara. “Colony of the Sertão: Amazonian Expeditions and the Indian Slave Trade,” The Americas 61, no. 3 (2005): 401–428.Find this resource:
Souza Junior, José Alves. Tramas do cotidiano: religião, política, guerra e negócios no Grão-Pará dos setecentos. Belém, Brazil: EdUFPA, 2012.Find this resource:
Ugarte, Auxiliomar da Silva. Sertões de Bárbaros. O Mundo Natural e as Sociedades Indígenas da Amazônia na Visão dos Cronistas Ibéricos (Séculos XVI–XVII). Manaus, Brazil: Valer, 2009.Find this resource:
(1.) Guida Marques, “Entre deux empires: Le Maranhão dans l’Union ibérique,” Nuevo Mundo, Mundos Nuevos (March 23, 2010); and Alírio Carvalho Cardoso, Amazônia na Monarquia Hispânica: Maranhão e Grão-Pará nos tempos da União Ibérica (1580–1655) (São Paulo, Brazil: Alameda, 2017).
(2.) Auxiliomar Silva Ugarte, “Margens míticas: A Amazônia no imaginário europeu do séc. XVI,” in Os senhores dos rios: Amazônia, margens e histórias, ed. Mary del Priore and Flávio dos Santos Gomes, 3–31 (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Campus, 2003).
(3.) Joyce Lorimer, English and Irish Settlement on the River Amazon. 1550–1646 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1989); Andrea Daher, Les singularités de la France Equinoxiale. Histoire de la mission des pères capucins au Brésil (1612–1615) (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2002); and Lodewijk Hulsman, “Escambo e tabaco: o comércio dos holandeses com índios no delta do rio Amazonas (1600–1630) ,” in Novos olhares sobre a Amazônia colonial, ed. Rafael Chambouleyron and José Alves de Souza Junior (Belém, Brazil: Paka-Tatu, 2016), 39–59.
(4.) Helidacy Maria Muniz Corrêa, “‘Para aumento da conquista e bom governo dos moradores’: o papel da Câmara de São Luís na conquista do Maranhão (1612–1668)” (PhD diss., Universidade Federal Fluminense, 2011); Cardoso, Amazônia na Monarquia Hispânica; and Pablo Ibáñez Bonillo, “La conquista portuguesa del estuario amazónico: identidad, guerra, frontera (1612–1654)” (PhD diss., Universidad Pablo de Olavide, 2016).
(6.) António Vasconcelos de Saldanha, As capitanias do Brasil: Antecedentes, desenvolvimento e extinção de um fenómeno atlântico (Lisbon: CNCDP, 2001).
(7.) This is still a controversial issue. See: Fabiano Vilaça dos Santos, “Entre São Luís e Belém: um estudo da dinâmica de governo no Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará (1673–1751),” in Poderes, identidades e sociedade na América portuguesa (séculos XVI–XVIII), eds. Eduardo José Santos Borges, Maria Helena Oxi Flechor, and Suzana Maria de Sousa Santos Severs (São Paulo, Brazil: Alameda, 2017), 163–188.
(8.) Santos, O governo das conquistas do norte, 35–41.
(9.) Ângela Domingues, Quando os índios eram vassalos: Colonização e relações de poder no norte do Brasil na segunda metade do século XVIII (Lisbon: CNCDP, 2000), 199–246; Otávio Ribeiro Chaves, “América portuguesa: do Tratado de Madri ao Tratado de Santo Ildefonso,” Territórios & Fronteiras 7, no. 2 (2014): 218–234; and Adilson Junior Ishihara Brito, “Insubordinados sertões: o Império português entre guerras e fronteiras no norte da América do Sul—Estado do Grão-Pará, 1750–1820” (PhD diss., Universidade de São Paulo, 2016), 25–150.
(10.) Luiz Mott, Piauí colonial: População, economia e sociedade (2nd edn. Teresina, Brazil: APL/FUNDAC, 2010), 145–170; Maria do Socorro Coelho Cabral, Caminhos do gado: Conquista e ocupação do Sul do Maranhão (São Luís: SIOGE, 1992); and Ricardo Pinto de Medeiros, “O descobrimento dos outros: Povos indígenas do sertão nordestino no período colonial” (PhD diss., Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2010), 114–149.
(11.) Denise Maldi Meireles, Guardiães da fronteira: Rio Guaporé, século XVIII (Petrópolis, Brazil: Vozes, 1989); Otávio Ribeiro Chaves, “Política de povoamento e a constituição da fronteira Oeste do império português: a capitania de Mato Grosso na segunda metade do século XVIII” (PhD diss., Universidade Federal do Paraná, 2008); and Nauk Maria de Jesus, O governo local na fronteira oeste: a rivalidade entre Cuiabá e Vila Bela no século XVIII (Dourados: Editora UFGD, 2011).
(12.) Rosa Elizabeth Acevedo Marin and Flavio dos Santos Gomes, “Reconfigurações coloniais: tráfico de indígenas, fugitivos e fronteiras no Grão-Pará e Guiana francesa (séculos XVII e XVIII),” Revista de História 149 (2003): 69–107; Rafael Ale Rocha, “‘Domínio’ e ‘posse’: as fronteiras coloniais de Portugal e França no Cabo Norte (primeira metade do século XVIII),” Tempo 23, no. 3 (2017): 528–545; Silvia Espelt-Bombin, “Frontier Politics: French, Portuguese and Amerindian Alliances between the Amazon and Cayenne, 1680–1697,” in Locating Guyane, ed. Sarah Wood and Catriona MacLeod (Liverpool, U.K.: Liverpool University Press, 2018), 69–90; and Paulo Marcelo Cambraia da Costa, “Em verdes labirintos: A construção social da fronteira franco-portuguesa (1760–1803),” (PhD diss., Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018).
(13.) Nádia Farage, As muralhas dos sertões: os povos indígenas no Rio Branco e a colonização (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Paz e Terra/ANPOCS, 1991); Lodewijk A. H. C. Hulsman, “Rotas da Guiana: A fronteira entre o Suriname e o Brasil,” in Dos caminhos históricos aos processos culturais entre Brasil e Suriname, ed. Reginaldo Gomes de Oliveira and Andrea Idelga Jubithana-Fernand (Boa Vista, Brazil: EdUFRR, 2014), 35–56; and André Augusto da Fonseca, “Roraima como uma das Guianas: O vale do Rio Branco e a ‘Ilha da Guiana’,” Outros Tempos 12, no. 20 (2015): 158–172.
(14.) Décio de Alencar Guzmán, “Encontros circulares: Guerra e comércio no Rio Negro (Grão-Pará), séculos XVII e XVIII,” Anais do Arquivo Público do Pará 5, no. 1 (2006): 139–165; Sebastián Gómez González, Frontera selvática: Españoles, portugueses y su disputa por el Noroccidente amazónico, siglo XVIII (Bogotá, Colombia: Instituto Colombiano de Antropología e Historia, 2014); and Carlos Augusto Bastos, No limiar dos Impérios. A fronteira entre a Capitania do Rio Negro e a Província de Maynas: Projetos, circulações e experiências (c. 1780–c. 1820) (São Paulo, Brazil: Hucitec, 2017).
(15.) Rafael Chambouleyron, “Cacao, Bark-clove and Agriculture in the Portuguese Amazon Region, Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Century,” Luso-Brazilian Review 51, no. 1 (2014): 1–35; and Alírio Cardoso, “Spices in Portuguese Amazon Region: Vegetable Retail and Atlantic Trade in the End of the Spanish Monarchy,” Tempo 21, no. 37 (2015): 116–133.
(16.) Dauril Alden, “The Significance of Cacao Production in the Amazon during the Late Colonial Period,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 120, no. 2 (1976): 103–135; and Timothy Walker, “Slave Labor and Chocolate in Brazil: The Culture of Cacao Plantations in Amazonia and Bahia (17th–19th centuries),” Food & Foodways 15 (2007): 75–106.
(17.) Alden, “ Significance of Cacao Production”; Maria de Nazaré Ângelo-Menezes, “Histoire sociale des systèmes agraires dans la vallée du Tocantins—Etat du Pará—Brésil: Colonisation européenne dans la deuxième moitié du XVIIIe siècle et la première moitié du XIXe siècle” (PhD diss., Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 1998); Mark Harris, Rebellion on the Amazon: The Cabanagem, Race, and Popular Culture in the North of Brazil, 1798–1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 133–141; and Siméia de Nazaré Lopes, “As rotas do comércio do Grão-Pará: Negociantes e relações mercantis (c. 1790–c. 1830) (PhD diss., Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, 2013), 159–198.
(18.) Judith A. Carney, “‘With Grains in Her Hair’: Rice in Colonial Brazil,” Slavery and Abolition 25, no.1 (2004): 1–27; and Acevedo Marin, “Agricultura no delta do rio Amazonas: Colonos produtores de alimentos em Macapá no período colonial,” Novos Cadernos NAEA 8, no. 1 (2005): 73–114.
(19.) Antonia da Silva Mota, As famílias principais: redes de poder no Maranhão colonial (São Luís, Brazil: EdUFMA, 2012); and Matthias Röhrig Assunção, De caboclos a bem-te-vis: formação do campesinato numa sociedade escravista: Maranhão, 1800–1850 (São Paulo, Brazil: Annablume, 2015), 250–258.
(20.) Eliane Cristina Lopes Soares, “Família, compadrio e relações de poder no Marajó (séculos XVII e XVIII)” (PhD diss., Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2010); and Joel Santos Dias, “‘Confuso e intrincado labirinto’: Fronteira, território e poder na Ilha Grande de Joanes (séculos XVII e XVIII)” (PhD diss., Universidade Federal do Pará, 2016).
(21.) Ana Stela de Negreiros Oliveira, “O povoamento colonial do sudeste do Piauí: Indígenas e colonizadores, conflitos e resistência” (PhD diss., Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2007); Mott, Piauí colonial; Mairton Celestino de Almeida, “Um caminho para o Estado do Brasil: Colonos, missionários, escravos e índios no tempo das conquistas do Estado do Maranhão e Piauí, 1600–1800” (PhD diss., Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2016); and Vanice Siqueira de Melo, Cruentas Guerras: Índios e portugueses nos sertões do Maranhão e Piauí (primeira metade do século XVIII) (Curitiba, Brazil: Editora Prismas, 2017).
(22.) Francisco José Calazans Falcon, A época pombalina: política econômica e monarquia ilustrada (São Paulo, Brazil: Ática, 1982); and Kenneth Maxwell, Pombal, paradox of the Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
(23.) Renata Araújo, “A Urbanização da Amazónia e do Mato Grosso no século XVIII Povoações civis, decorosas e úteis para o bem comum da coroa e dos povos,” Anais do Museu Paulista 20, no. 1 (2012): 41–76.
(24.) Manuel Nunes Dias, Fomento e mercantilismo: a Companhia Geral do Grão Pará e Maranhão (1755–1778) (Belém, Brazil: Universidade Federal do Pará, 1970), 2 vols.; António Carreira. A Companhia Geral do Grão-Pará e Maranhão (São Paulo, Brazil: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1988), 2 vols.; and Francisco de Assis Costa, “Lugar e significado da gestão pombalina na economia colonial do Grão-Pará,” Nova Economia 20, no. 1 (2010): 167–206.
(25.) José Ribamar Bessa Freire, Rio Babel. A história das línguas na Amazônia (2nd ed., Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: EDUERJ, 2011).
(26.) In regard to slavery in the Amazon prior to the mid-18th century reforms, see: Barbara Sommer, “Colony of the sertão: Amazonian Expeditions and the Indian slave trade,” The Americas 61, no. 3 (2005): 401–428; Décio de Alencar Guzmán. “A colonização nas Amazônias: guerras, comércio e escravidão nos séculos XVII e XVIII,” Revista Estudos Amazônicos III, no. 2 (2008): 103–139; Márcia Eliane Alves de Souza e Mello, Fé e império: as Juntas das Missões nas conquistas portuguesas (Manaus, Brazil: EdUA, 2009), 274–317; Camila Loureiro Dias, “L’Amazonie avant Pombal. Politique, Economie, Territoire” (PhD diss., Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, 2014); Rafael Chambouleyron, “Indian Freedom and Indian Slavery in the Portuguese Amazon,” in Building the Atlantic Empires: Unfree Labor and Imperial States in the Political Economy of Capitalism, ca. 1500–1914, ed. John Donoghue and Evelyn P. Jennings (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2016), 54–71; Camila Loureiro Dias; and Fernanda Aires Bombardi, “O que dizem as licenças?” Flexibilização da legislação e recrutamento particular de trabalhadores indígenas no Estado do Maranhão (1680–1755),” Revista de História 175 (2016): 249–280.
(27.) Márcia Eliane Alves de Souza e Mello, “O Regimento das Missões: Poder e negociação na Amazônia portuguesa,” Clio 27, no. 1 (2009): 46–75.
(28.) Karl Heinz Arenz, “Pajés ouvindo confissão e celebrando missa: convergências simbólico-sociais nos aldeamentos jesuíticos da Amazônia portuguesa (séculos XVII e XVIII),” Portuguese Studies Review 22 (2014) 227–249; Almir Diniz de Carvalho Junior, Índios Cristãos: Poder, Magia e Religião na Amazônia Colonial (Curitiba, Brazil: Editora CRV, 2017); and Décio de Alencar Guzmán, “La primera urbanización de los ‘Abunás’: Mamelucos, Indios y Jesuitas en las Ciudades Portuguesas de la Amazonía, siglos XVII y XVIII,” Boletin Americanista 67, no. 2 (2017): 53–73.
(29.) Domingues, Quando os índios eram vassalos; Barbara Ann Sommer, “Negotiated Settlements: Native Amazonians and Portuguese Policy in Pará, Brazil, 1758–1798” (PhD diss., Albuquerque, University of New Mexico, 2000); Patrícia Melo Sampaio, Espelhos partidos: Etnia, legislação e desigualdade na colônia (Manaus, Brazil: EdUA, 2012); Heather Flynn Roller, Amazonian Routes: Indigenous Mobility and Colonial Communities in Northern Brazil (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2014); and Mauro Cezar Coelho, Do sertão para o mar: um estudo sobre a experiência portuguesa na América: o caso do Diretório dos Índios (1750–1798) (São Paulo, Brazil: Editora Livraria da Física, 2016).
(30.) Patrícia Melo Sampaio, “‘Vossa Excelência mandará o que for servido. . . ’: Políticas indígenas e indigenistas na Amazônia Portuguesa do final do século XVIII,” Tempo 12, no. 23 (2007): 39–55; Harris, Rebellion on the Amazon, 109–133; Melo Sampaio, Espelhos partidos; and André Roberto de Arruda Machado, “O eclipse do Principal: Apontamentos sobre as mudanças de hierarquias entre os indígenas do Grão-Pará e os impactos no controle da sua mão de obra (décadas de 1820 e 1830),” Topoi 18 (2017): 166–195.
(31.) Rafael Chambouleyron, “Escravos do Atlântico Equatorial: Tráfico negreiro para o Estado do Maranhão e Pará (século XVII e início do século XVIII),” Revista Brasileira de História 26, no. 52 (2006): 79–114; Daniel B. Domingues da Silva, “The Atlantic Slave Trade to Maranhão, 1680–1846: Volume, Routes and Organisation,” Slavery & Abolition 29, no. 4 (2008) 477–501; José Luis Ruiz-Peinado Alonso, “La ‘escravatura necessária para a cultura’: Esclavos africanos en la Amazonía tras la extinta Companhia do Comércio do Grão-Pará e Maranhão,” Revista Estudos Amazônicos IV, no. 1 (2009): 11–30; Walter Hawthorne, From Africa to Brazil: Culture, Identity, and an Atlantic Slave trade, 1600–1830 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2010); and Tanya Maria Pires Brandão, O Escravo na Formação Social do Piauí: Perspectiva histórica do século XVIII (2nd ed. Teresina, Brazil: EdUFPI, 2015).
(32.) João Francisco Lisboa, Obras de João Francisco Lisboa, natural do Maranhão (São Luís, Brazil: Typ. de B. de Mattos, 1864–1865), vols. 2–3.
(33.) Arthur Cezar Ferreira Reis, A Política de Portugal no Vale Amazônico (Belém, Brazil: Oficina Gráfica da Revista Novidade, 1940); Reis, Limites e demarcações na Amazônia brasileira (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Imprensa Nacional, 1947), 2 vols.; Reis, A Amazônia que os portugueses revelaram (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Ministério da Educação, 1957); and Reis, A Amazônia e a Cobiça Internacional (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Companhia Editora Nacional, 1960).
(34.) Ernesto Horácio da Cruz, História do Pará (Belém, Brazil: Universidade do Pará, 1963), 2 vols.; Mário Martins Meireles, História do Maranhão (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: DASP, 1960); and Odilon José Nunes, Pesquisas para a História do Piauí (Teresina, Brazil: Imprensa Oficial do Estado do Piauí, 1966), vol. 1.
(35.) João Lúcio de Azevedo, Os jesuítas no Grão-Pará: Suas missões e a colonização (2nd ed., Coimbra, Portugal: Imprensa da Universidade, 1930).
(36.) Serafim J. Leite, História da Companhia de Jesus no Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Livraria Portugália/Civilização Brasileira, 1943), vols. 3–4.
(37.) Eduardo Hoornaert, ed., História da Igreja na Amazônia (Petrópolis, Brazil: Vozes, 1992), 11–209. See also: Carlos de Araújo Moreira Neto, Índios da Amazônia, de maioria a minoria (1750–1850) (Petrópolis, Brazil: Vozes, 1988).
(38.) Mathias C. Kiemen, The Indian Policy of Portugal in the Amazon Region, 1614–1693 (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1954); Dauril Alden, “Indian Black Slavery in the State of Maranhão during the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Bibliotheca Americana 1, no. 3 (1983): 91–142”; David Michael Davidson, “Rivers & Empire: The Madeira Route and the Incorporation of the Brazilian Far West, 1737–1808” (PhD diss., Yale University, 1970); Sue Ellen Anderson Gross, “The economic life of the Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará, 1686–1751” (PhD diss., Tulane University, 1969); Robin Leslie Anderson, “Following Curupira: Colonization and Migration in Pará, 1758 to 1930 as a Study in Settlement of the Humid Tropics” (PhD diss., University of California, Davis, 1976); Colin M. MacLachlan, “The Indian Labor Structure in the Portuguese Amazon, 1700–1800,” in Colonial Roots of Modern Brazil: Papers of the Newberry Library Conference, ed. Dauril Alden (Berkeley/Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1973), 199–230; and Colin M. MacLachlan, “African Slave Trade and Economic Development in Amazonia, 1700–1800,” in Slavery and Race Relations in Latin America, ed. Robert Brent Toplin (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1974), 112–145.
(39.) Alden, “The Significance of Cacao Production”; David Graham Sweet, “A Rich Realm of Nature Destroyed: The Middle Amazon Valley, 1640–1750” (PhD diss., University of Wisconsin–Madison, 1974); John Hemming. Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978); and John Hemming, Amazon Frontier: The Defeat of the Brazilian Indians (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987).
(40.) Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, ed., História dos Índios no Brasil (São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1992); Farage, As muralhas dos sertões; Robin M. Wright, “Indian Slavery in the Northwest Amazon,” Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi, Série Antropologia 7, no. 2 (1991): 149–179; and Antônio Porro, O povo das águas: Ensaios de etno-história amazônica (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: Vozes, 1996).
(41.) Barbara Sommer, “Negotiated Settlements”: Francisco Jorge dos Santos: “Nos confins ocidentais da Amazônia portuguesa: mando metropolitano e prática do poder régio na Capitania do Rio Negro no século XVIII” (PhD diss., Universidade Federal do Amazonas, 2012); Barbara Sommer, “Why Joanna Baptista Sold Herself into Slavery: Indian Women in Portuguese Amazonia, 1755–1798,” Slavery & Abolition 34, no. 1 (2013): 77–97; Roller. Amazonian Routes; Karl Heinz Arenz, “Além das doutrinas e rotinas: índios e missionários nos aldeamentos jesuíticos da Amazônia portuguesa (séculos XVII e XVIII),” História e Cultura 3, no. 2 (2014): 63–88; Ibáñez Bonillo, “Desmontando a Amaro: una re-lectura de la rebelión tupinambá (1617–1621),” Topoi 16, no. 31 (2015): 465–490; Carvalho Junior, Índios Cristãos; Domingues, Quando os índios eram vassalos; and Márcio Meira, A persistência do aviamento: Colonialismo e história indígena no noroeste amazônico (São Carlos, Brazil: EdUFSCar, 2018), 259–318.
(42.) Flávio dos Santos Gomes, “A ‘Safe Haven’: Runaways Slaves, Mocambos, and Bordes in Colonial Amazônia, Brazil,” The Hispanic American Historical Review 82, no. 3 (2002); 469–498; Hawthorne, From Africa to Brazil; José Maia Bezerra Neto, Escravidão Negra no Grão-Pará (Séculos XVII–XIX) (2nd ed., Belém, Brazil: Editora Paka-Tatu, 2012); and Patrícia Melo Sampaio, “Histoires, identités et frontières: Indiens et Africains dans l’Amazonie coloniale,” Caravelle 107 (2016): 45–55.
(43.) Mello. Fé e império; Mello, “O Regimento das Missões”; Coelho, Do Sertão para o Mar; Sampaio, “‘Vossa Excelência mandará o que for servido. . . ’”; Camila Loureiro Dias, “O comércio de escravos indígenas na Amazônia visto pelos regimentos de entradas e de tropas de resgate (séculos XVII e XVIII),” Territórios & Fronteiras 10, no. 1 (2017): 238–259.
(44.) Carlos Augusto Bastos and Siméia de Nazaré Lopes, “Comercio, conflictos y alianzas en la frontera luso-española: Capitanía de Río Negro y provincia de Maynas, 1780–1820,” Procesos: Revista Ecuatoriana de Historia 41 (2015): 83–108; Bastos, No limiar dos Impérios; and Ishihara Brito, “Insubordinados sertões.” See also: Sebastián Gómez González, Frontera Selvática: españoles, portugueses y su disputa por el noroccidente amazónico, Siglo XVIII (Bogotá, Colombia: ICANH, 2014).
(45.) Sommer, “Cracking Down on the Cunhamenas: Renegade Amazonian Traders under Pombaline Reform,” Journal of Latin American Studies 38 (2006): 767–791; Décio de Alencar Guzmán, “Mixed Indians, Caboclos and Curibocas: Historical Analysis of a Process of Miscegenation: Rio Negro (Brazil), 18th and 19th Centuries,” in Amazon Peasants: Political Ecology, Invisibility and Modernity in the Rainforest, ed. Cristina Adams, Rui Murriet, Walter Neves, and Mark Harris (New York: Springer, 2009), 55–68; Ângela Domingues. “‘Régulos e absolutos’. Episódios de multiculturalismo e intermediação no Norte do Brasil (meados do século XVIII),” in Monarcas, ministros e cientistas. Mecanismos de poder, governação e informação no Brasil colonial, by Ângela Domingues (Lisbon, Portugal: Centro de Historia de Alem-Mar, 2012), 43–65; Mark Harris, “The Werewolf in between Indians and Whites: Imaginative Frontiers and Mobile Identities in Eighteenth Century Amazonia,” Tipití: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America 11, no. 1 (2013): 87–104; Carvalho Junior, Índios Cristãos; and Pollyanna Gouveia Mendonça Muniz, Réus de Batina: Justiça Eclesiástica e clero secular no bispado do Maranhão colonial (São Paulo, Brazil: Alameda/EdUFMA, 2017).
(46.) Mello, “Contribuição para uma demografia do Estado do Grão-Pará e Maranhão, 1774–1821,” Anais de História de Além-Mar XVI (2015): 227–253; Antonio Otaviano Vieira Junior, “‘Retórica da Epidemia’: Discursos, negociações e tensões políticas que orbitavam o uso da mão-de-obra indígena no Grão-Pará, 1748–1750,” Anais de História de Além-Mar, XVIII (2017): 63–98; Antonia da Silva Mota, “Batismos, família e escravidão no Maranhão colonial,” Afro-Ásia 55 (2017): 9–34; Vieira Junior, “Migração Açoriana na Amazônia: conexões entre Ilha Graciosa, Lisboa e Grão-Pará (1751–1754),” Territórios e Fronteiras 10 (2017): 342–367; and André Augusto da Fonseca, “Os mapas da população no Estado do Grão-Pará: Consolidação de uma população colonial na segunda metade do século XVIII,” Revista Brasileira de Estudos de População 34, no. 3 (2017): 439–464.