Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics reached a major milestone by publishing our 1000th article! For more information visit our News page.

Dismiss
Show Summary Details

Page of

PRINTED FROM the OXFORD RESEARCH ENCYCLOPEDIA, POLITICS (oxfordre.com/politics). (c) Oxford University Press USA, 2020. All Rights Reserved. Personal use only; commercial use is strictly prohibited (for details see Privacy Policy and Legal Notice).

date: 09 August 2020

Racial Stereotyping in Political Decision Making

Summary and Keywords

Simply defined, stereotypes are commonly-held beliefs about groups of people. Racial stereotypes are the widely shared perceptions that people have about certain social groups and the individuals who are members of those groups. To understand the large and growing literature on racial stereotypes, it is useful to organize this body of research by whether stereotypes are being explored as dependent variables or as independent variables. When the focus is on dependent variables, scholars investigate why racial stereotypes exist and how they work. Conversely, the work on stereotypes as independent variables emphasizes their influence on both attitudinal and behavioral outcomes. Special attention should also be paid to the stereotypes that are often applied to people who exist at the intersections of multiple racial, ethnic, gender, and sexuality groups (for example, those attributed female and non-binary persons of color).

Keywords: stereotypes, racial and ethnic groups, African Americans, Latinos, Asian Americans, race relations, racial attitudes, policy preferences, candidate evaluations, political decision making

Introduction

Because of its implications for understanding American race relations, social scientists have been studying racial stereotypes (and the practice of stereotyping) for centuries. While Gordon Allport’s The Nature of Prejudice (1954) is recognized by many as one of the seminal books on the topic, Walter Lippmann introduced the concept of stereotypes in his 1922 book, Public Opinion, and treatises on American race relations date as far back as Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (originally published in 1835; de Tocqueville, 2003) and Gunnar Myrdal’s An American Dilemma (1944).

Stereotypes have been defined in many ways (Gardner, 1994; Hamilton & Sherman, 1994). However, for the purposes of this article, racial stereotypes are the widely shared perceptions that people have about certain social groups and the individuals who are members of those groups (Hamilton & Trolier, 1986, p. 133; Hogg & Vaughan, 2002, p. 483; MacDonald & Zanna, 1998). Contrary to popular belief, stereotypes need not be overgeneralizations or oversimplifications. In fact, they are often complex and can depend on contextual cues. For example, images of African American protesters might conjure up negative perceptions in the minds of some people, while images of Black athletes may trigger positive evaluations (Mitchell, Nosek, & Banaji, 2003). Moreover, stereotypes don’t necessarily have to be negative in connotation, and some of them can actually be positive (Condor, 1988). But it is important to remember that, while stereotypes themselves can be benign in nature, the practice of stereotyping can (and often does) have harmful consequences. This is especially true when talking about race, for stereotypes that elevate the status of one group while diminishing the standing of others can lay the foundation for future prejudice and discrimination (Blum, 2004).

The goal of this encyclopedia entry is to discuss the sociopolitical psychology of racial and ethnic stereotypes. Although much of the focus will be on stereotypes of African Americans, the entry will provide a broader overview of the topic by exploring the stereotypes that are also applied to people of Asian and Latinx ancestry. Special attention will also be paid to the stereotypes that are often applied to people who exist at the intersections of multiple racial, ethnic, gender, and sexuality groups (e.g., those attributed female and non-binary persons of color). In so doing, it is helpful to organize the vast literature on stereotypes into two parts: stereotypes as dependent variables (i.e., research on their origins, psychological mechanisms, and contributing factors), and stereotypes as independent variables (i.e., research about the influence of stereotyping on people’s attitudes and actions).

Racial Stereotypes as Dependent Variables

When studying racial stereotypes as dependent variables, the goal is to examine not only why stereotypes exist, but also how they work in our minds and in our societies. The literature on these and related topics is vast, for it has been studied extensively by social scientists and humanists across a host of disciplines. It is therefore useful to sort this growing literature into two the following sub-categories: stereotypes as “cognition” and stereotypes as “culture.”

Racial Stereotypes (and Stereotyping) as Cognitive Processing

Why “Cognition” Scholars Believe Racial Stereotypes Exist

Stereotypes are sometimes automatic in the sense that (mis)representations of individuals and groups can happen unconsciously (Strobe & Insko, 1989). Stereotypes can also be psychologically advantageous. Since people are “cognitive misers” whose brains tends to seek solutions to problems that take the least psychic effort, stereotypes can serve as mental shortcuts (Fiske & Taylor, 2013; Hamilton & Sherman, 1994; Oakes, Haslam, & Turner, 1994; Yzerbyt, Schadron, Leyens, & Rocher, 1994). It is tempting to assume that all stereotypes contain kernels of truth in the sense that they contain factual, albeit exaggerated, characterizations of individuals and groups (Abate & Berrien, 1967; Campbell, 1967; Judd & Park, 1993; McCauley, Stitt, & Segal, 1980; Swim 1994). But Steele (2011) reminds us that the degree to which people/groups act in accordance with racialized beliefs often reflects “stereotype threat” rather than the truth. Research on stereotype threat demonstrates that stereotypes can affect both the self-esteem and the academic performance of students of color (Aronson, Fried, & Good, 2002; Croizet & Claire, 1998; Good, Aronson, & Inzlicht, 2003; Schmader & Johns, 2003; Steele, 1997; Steele & Aronson, 1995). For instance, the observation that Asian students excel in math and science classes (or that female students are better in humanities and fine arts courses) stems not only from teachers’ expectations about members of these respective groups but also from students’ desire to live up to (or disconfirm) certain stereotypes. Despite their seemingly hard-wired and self-evidential foundations, stereotypes can be altered. They are shaped by a person’s surroundings, which makes them potentially changeable—even if such change is difficult to achieve (Catellani, Alberici, & Milesi, 2004; Hegarty & Pratto, 2001, 2004).

One approach to studying why racial stereotypes exist is to consider the inner workings of the human mind. The research on this social-cognitive approach views stereotypes as the byproduct of how individuals process information. As Augoustinos and Walker (1998, p. 629) note, stereotypes provide people with mental frameworks (often called schemas), and the tendency to stereotype stems from “an inevitable consequence of the psychological and cognitive need to categorize and simplify the social world” (see also Dovidio, Evans, & Tyler 1986; Fiske & Taylor, 2013; Hamilton & Sherman, 1996; Macrae, Milne, & Bodenhausen, 1994; Oakes et al., 1994; Yzerbyt et al., 1994). Hilton and Hippel (1996) say it best when they note that stereotypes exist because humans need them to meet the various and many demands of their social contexts. Stereotypic thinking, therefore, serves multiple purposes that reflect a variety of cognitive and motivational processes. Sometimes, stereotyping emerges as a way of simplifying the demands on the perceiver (Bodenhausen, Kramer, & Süsser, 1994; Macrae et al., 1994). Specifically, stereotypes make information processing easier by allowing the perceiver to rely on previously stored knowledge in place of incoming evidence, and, in extreme cases, racial stereotypes can persist even in the face of disconfirming information (Kunda & Oleson, 1995; Prentice & Carranza, 2004). Stereotypes can also emerge in response to environmental factors, such as varying social roles (cf. Eagly, 1995), group conflicts (Robinson & Schwartz, 2004), and differences in power (Fiske, 1993). Other times, stereotypes may come about as a way of justifying the status quo (Jost & Banaji, 1994; Sidanius, 1993), or in response to a person’s need for social identity (Abrams & Hogg, 1988).

How “Cognition” Scholars Believe Racial Stereotypes Work

Psychologists interested in the mental underpinnings of racial stereotypes explore how they are acquired, maintained, applied, and spread from person to person. The view that stereotypes are energy-saving cognitive devices is also prevalent among those who approach the topic from the perspective of “social categorization” (i.e., a process by which individuals place others into social groups). A consequence of our natural tendency to sort things into categories is that the distinctions drawn between groups of people often lead to subjective assessments of the individuals occupying those groups. For example, ingroup–outgroup thinking can nurture the belief that racial and ethnic minorities are lazy, aggressive, unintelligent, hypersexual, amoral, and so on (Allport, 1954; Brewer, 1999; Crisp & Hewstone, 2007; Fiske, Haslam, & Fiske, 1991; Hewstone, Rubin, & Willis, 2002; Stangor, Lynch, Duan, & Glas, 1992; Taylor, Fiske, Etcoff, & Ruderman, 1978). Once such ideas take hold, it is difficult—but again, not impossible—to shed them. And racial stereotypes are easily perpetuated, especially if racialized representations of others make us feel better about ourselves (Mezulis, Abramson, Hyde, & Hankin, 2004) or help those in power to maintain social inequalities (Hunzaker, 2014).

Racial Stereotypes (and Stereotyping) as Cultural Phenomena

Why “Culture” Scholars Believe Racial Stereotypes Exist

Sociological approaches to studying racial stereotypes often attribute them to “culture” rather than “cognition.” A major sociological paradigm in this line of research is social learning theory, which posits that stereotypes are acquired either through the direct observation of group differences or from exposure to information that emphasize these differences (Bandura, 1977). Research confirms that some Whites view racial and ethnic minorities differently than they perceive members of their own group, regardless of whether the majority- and minority-group members deserve such assessments (Hutchings & Valentino, 2004; Krysan, 2000; Schuman, Steeh, & Bobo, 1985; Schuman, 1997). For example, scholars remarked upon the historical significance of having the first African American family in the White House (Block, 2011; Bobo & Dawson, 2009; Parker, Sawyer, & Towler, 2009), and it is hardly surprising that Barack and Michelle Obama were—and arguably still are—the targets of a host of negative racial stereotypes (Block & Haynes, 2015; Haynes & Block, 2019; Maxwell & Shields, 2014; Parker, 2016; Piston, 2010; Tesler, 2012, 2016; Tesler & Sears, 2010). Researchers chronicle instances in which the media and Obama’s opponents described him as being apelike (Puwar & Sharma, 2013), shiftless (O’Brien, 2013; Walker & Smithers, 2009), and ideologically extreme—the July 2008 cover of the magazine the New Yorker is perhaps the most egregious example (see Block & Onwunli, 2010; Caputi, 2008–2009).

The inverse of the “lazy” or “dangerous” Black man depictions were also prevalent during Obama (2008) campaign. Then-Senator Biden faced heavy scrutiny when referring to the president-elect as “articulate and bright,” and “clean and nice-looking”—terms often associated with the stereotype of the neatly coiffed, effete, and White-imitating “Black Dandy” (Cooper, 2008; Lewis, 2017; Sparks, 2009). Ellison (2008) recalls an exchange on the syndicated show, The McLaughlin Group, in which panelists debated the extent to which Barack Obama’s speaking style and international background compromised his racial authenticity. And Block (2017), notes in his personal reflection essay that it was Michelle Obama, who, because of her working-class upbringing and embeddedness within the nation’s racial culture, reassured African American voters that Barack Obama was indeed “Black enough.”

Speaking of Michelle Obama, the former First Lady recounts in her recent memoir some of the hyperpartisan and racially offensive rhetoric leveled against her (Obama, 2018). Three dominant and persistent characterizations of African American women are especially relevant: the obese, toadying, and kerchief-donning “Mammy” caregiver around whom White families feel safe; the “Sapphire,” who is overly loud and standoffish, particularly toward Black men; and the sexually alluring “Jezebel” who was lusted after by slave masters and resented by slave mistresses. These stereotypes existed long before Mrs. Obama moved into the White House (for in-depth discussions, see Collins, 1999, 2004; Green, 1998; Jewell, 1993; West, 2008), but they are nevertheless attributed to her—with varying degrees of success—by supporters and critics alike.

Sapphire stereotyping was common during the previous presidential administration, when the racial content in Michelle Obama’s undergraduate thesis and remarks she made on the campaign trail in 2008 raised concerns among pundits and voters about her patriotism (Madison, 2009). These concerns resurfaced when Kantor’s (2012) biography stoked rumors of dust-ups between the former First Lady and several members of the White House staff (Parks & Roberson, 2008), and journalists used innuendos (like Juan William’s description of Michelle Obama being “Stokely Carmichael in a designer dress”) and satire (recall the front cover of the July 2008 issue of the New Yorker) to portray the First Lady of the United States (FLOTUS) as an angry and militant woman (Combs, 2013; Durr & Harvey Wingfield, 2011; Griffin, 2012; Joseph, 2011; McGinley, 2008; Williams, 2009). Stereotypes about Mrs. Obama’s physicality and sartorial choices stem from Jezebel-inspired narratives centered around the idea she did not look like the typical FLOTUS (Guererro, 2011), and are perhaps most apparent in a blog exchange between Kaplan (2008) and Peterson (2008) over the media’s fetishizing of the former First Lady’s body and fashion choices (see also Cooper, 2010; Fancy, 2014; Liwen, 2010; Quinlan, Bates, & Webb, 2012; Yermack, 2011).

While problematizing recent attempts by right-wing bloggers to liken the former First Lady to Aunt Jemima, the quintessential Mammy figure (see, e.g., Hobo1, 2011), Harris-Perry (2013) lauds Mrs. Obama’s allegedly anti-feminist decision to prioritize her family over her career as a testament to the former First Lady’s efforts to transcend the Mammy stereotype. Harris-Perry (2011) also appreciates the challenges Michelle Obama and other African Americans face while trying to meet the unrealistic and Mammy-related standard of the Strong Black Woman who bears in silence the role of parent, primary caregiver, and community leader (see also Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2007, 2009).

How “Culture” Scholars Believe Racial Stereotypes Work

People learn from their social environments, acquiring ideas about themselves and others through repeated interactions with family members, personal and professional networks, educators, religious peers, the media, and so on. When considered from this “social learning” perspective, stereotypes are one of many components of a person’s socialization. Similarly, symbolic interactionists view society as the product of everyday interactions among individuals. According to this theory, people define their reality by attaching meaning and labels to everything, and the manner in which they make meaning in their social environment is shaped by the beliefs and actions of others (see Blumer, 1986; Snow, 2001). As Bandura (1977) notes, behavior is learned from the environment through the process of observational learning (see also Bandura, 1969, 1978, 2001). Bandura and his colleagues apply this theory to their study of learned aggression in their famous “Bobo Doll” studies. In these studies, children were randomly assigned to experimental conditions in which adults either ignored, played nicely with, or hit an inflatable doll with a round and weighted bottom (which made the toy swing like a punching bag). The children who observed adults behaving violently were more likely to imitate that behavior later.

Perhaps more relevant to the study of racial stereotypes are the doll experiments done by Phillip and Mamie Clark. In these studies, children received two dolls that were identical except for their hair and skin color (one doll had “White” skin and blond hair, while the other had “Black” skin and dark hair). The experimenters asked the children a host of questions to gauge which doll the children believed was more appealing to play with. Not surprisingly, and regardless of the race of the child, White dolls were preferred over Black dolls (Clark & Clark, 1939, 1947, 1950). This pattern was so consistent that it not only provided a glimpse into how deeply rooted racial biases are among Whites, but it also helped to spark follow-up research on the negative impact of internalized negative racial perceptions on the self-esteem of African American children (see, e.g., Gray-Little & Hafdahl, 2000).

The sociological approaches complement the psychological ones, and, when combined, they bring the implications of racial stereotyping into sharper relief. We must therefore remind ourselves that the social dynamics of stereotypes, if allowed to go unchallenged, can coordinate the collective behaviors of individuals, and, ultimately, work to normalize a society’s power relations.

Racial Stereotypes as Independent Variables

As noted earlier, racial stereotypes are also studied as independent variables: the goal is not to explore why they exist and how they function; rather, this line of research seeks to assess the impact of racial stereotypes on a host of outcomes. It is beyond the scope of this encyclopedia entry to catalogue all the research on stereotypes as independent variables, but I will offer a handful of examples below. For simplicity’s sake, let’s organize them into attitudinal outcomes and behavioral outcomes.

Racial Stereotypes as Predictors of Political Attitudes

There is a wealth of scholarship showing that racial stereotypes can trigger, change, or amplify people’s policy perceptions, and, by extension, their policy expressions. Studies in criminal justice show that racial stereotypes influence how much crime people think is taking place in their communities (Quillian & Pager, 2001). Moreover, stereotypes about the criminality of African Americans and Latinos can contribute to negative biases in Whites’ attitudes about criminal justice policy (Gilliam, Valentino, & Beckmann, 2002; Graham & Lowrey, 2004; Hurwitz & Peffley, 1997). In addition to the topics of crime and punishment, negative racial stereotypes can make a person more inclined to express anti-minority attitudes when it comes to immigration (Burns & Gimpel, 2000; Lu & Nicholson-Crotty, 2010; Reyna, Dobria, & Wetherell, 2013) and social welfare policy (Feagin, 1972; Gans, 1995; Henry, Reyna, & Weiner, 2004; Hurwitz & Peffley, 1997; Johnson, Olivo, Gibson, Reed, & Ashburn-Nardo, 2009; Monahan, Shtrulis, & Givens, 2005; Peffley & Hurwitz, 2002; Peffley, Hurwitz, & Sniderman, 1997).

Another literature explores the role that racial stereotypes play on candidate evaluations. In addition to viewing candidates of color as being more ideologically liberal than White candidates, voters tend to assume that minority candidates care more than their White colleagues about racial issues (McDermott, 1998). Moreover, research on racial priming (see Iyengar, Hahn, Messing, & Bailenson, 2010; Valentino, Hutchings, & White, 2002; White, 2007) demonstrates that racial stereotypes can influence the extent to which exposure to racial imagery in campaign advertisements alters Whites’ attitudes toward candidates.

Racial Stereotypes as Predictors of Political Behaviors

Racial stereotypes have also been linked to a host of political outcomes. Since the work of V. O. Key (1949) on southern politics, scholars have explored what is often called the “racial threat” hypothesis: the argument that racially conservative Whites view increases in the size of the African American population in their communities as threatening, and, as a result, those Whites take action to reduce this perceived threat. In the area of politics, concerns among Whites about Black people making political gains can then inspire racially conservative Whites to “turn out” to vote in higher numbers (see Enos, 2016; Giles & Buckner, 1993; Orey, 2001; Rocha & Epino, 2009; Tolbert & Gummel, 2003; but see Voss, 1996). And a related literature explores the influence of racial stereotypes on the candidates (Hajnal, 2001, 2006; Orey, 2001; Sigelman et al., 1995; Huddy & Terkildsen, 1993) and political causes (Knuckey & Orey, 2000; Orey, Overby, Hatemi, & Liu, 2011) that voters support. One notable exception to this line of reasoning is the research on Asian candidates. Rather than putting minority candidates at a political disadvantage, Visalvanich (2017) finds that voters who harbor stereotypes about Asians in general—and the belief that Chinese people constitute a “model minority group” in particular—are more likely to cast votes for and have positive perception of Asian candidates.

Concluding Remarks

The literature on racial stereotypes is vast and spans several disciplines in the social and behavioral sciences. The goal of this encyclopedia entry is to give readers a panoramic view of the study of racial stereotypes. To do so, it was useful to divide the research on racial stereotypes thematically, namely by distinguishing the people who study the causes of stereotypes from those who are concerned with the consequences of them. To discuss the causes (i.e., stereotypes as “dependent variables”) this essay traced the psychological and sociological origins of racial stereotypic thinking. When summarizing the research on their consequences (i.e., stereotypes as “independent variables”) it helps to explore the impact of racial stereotypes on people’s attitudes and actions. Hopefully, this tour of this large and important literature will guide readers as they further acquaint themselves with, and ultimately contribute to, this field of study.

Further Reading

Collins, P. H. (1998). Fighting words: Black women and the search for justice, Vol. 7. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.Find this resource:

Collins, P. H. (1999). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment. Abingdon, U.K.: Routledge.Find this resource:

Collins, P. H. (2004). Black sexual politics: African Americans, gender, and the new racism. Abingdon, U.K.: Routledge.Find this resource:

Harris-Lacewell, M. (2001). No place to rest: African American political attitudes and the myth of Black women’s strength. Women & Politics, 23(3), 1–33.Find this resource:

Harris-Perry, M. V. (2011). Sister citizen: Shame, stereotypes, and Black women in America. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.Find this resource:

Harris-Perry, M. V. (2013). Michelle Obama a “feminist nightmare”? Please. MSNBC.com.Find this resource:

Ladson-Billings, G. (2009). “Who you callin’ nappy-headed?” A critical race theory look at the construction of Black women. Race Ethnicity and Education, 12(1), 87–99.Find this resource:

References

Abate, M., & Berrien, F. K. (1967). Validation of stereotypes: Japanese versus American students. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 7(4), 435–438.Find this resource:

Abrams, D., & Hogg, M. A. (1988). Comments on the motivational status of self-esteem in social identity and intergroup discrimination. European Journal of Social Psychology, 18(4), 317–334.Find this resource:

Allport, G. (1954). The nature of prejudice. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.Find this resource:

Aronson, J., Fried, C. B., & Good, C. (2002). Reducing the effects of stereotype threat on African American college students by shaping theories of intelligence. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 38(2), 113–125.Find this resource:

Ashmore, R. D., & Del Boca, F. K. (1981). Conceptual approaches to stereotypes and stereotyping. In D. L. Hamilton (Ed.), Cognitive Processes in Stereotyping and Intergroup Behavior (pp. 1–35). New York, NY: Taylor and Francis.Find this resource:

Augoustinos, M., & Walker, I. (1998). The construction of stereotypes within social psychology: From social cognition to ideology. Theory & Psychology, 8(5), 629–652.Find this resource:

Awad, G. H. (2007). The role of racial identity, academic self-concept, and self-esteem in the prediction of academic outcomes for African American students. Journal of Black Psychology, 33(2), 188–207.Find this resource:

Bakker, J., Denessen, E., & Brus-Laeven, M. (2007). Socio-economic background, parental involvement and teacher perceptions of these in relation to pupil achievement. Educational Studies, 33(2), 177–192.Find this resource:

Bandura, A. (1969). Social-learning theory of identificatory processes. In J. E. Grusec & P. D. Hastings (Eds.), Handbook of Socialization Theory and Research (pp. 213–262). New York, NY: The Guilford Press.Find this resource:

Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.Find this resource:

Bandura, A. (1978). The self system in reciprocal determinism. American Psychologist, 33(4), 344–358.Find this resource:

Bandura, A. (2001). Social cognitive theory: An agentic perspective. Annual Review of Psychology, 52(1), 1–26.Find this resource:

Beauboeuf-Lafontant, T. (2007). You have to show strength: An exploration of gender, race, and depression. Gender & Society, 21(1), 28–51.Find this resource:

Beauboeuf-Lafontant, T. (2009). Behind the mask of the strong Black woman: Voice and the embodiment of a costly performance. Temple University Press.Find this resource:

Block, R., Jr., & Haynes, C. S. (2015). “Mom-in-chief” rhetoric as a lens for understanding policy advocacy: A thematic analysis of video footage from Michelle Obama’s speeches. In R.X. Browning (Ed.), The C-SPAN archives, 2015: Advancing the research agenda (pp. 165–190). West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press.Find this resource:

Block, R., Jr. & Onwunli, C. (2010). Managing monikers: The role of name presentation in the 2008 presidential election. Presidential Studies Quarterly, 40(3), 464–481.Find this resource:

Block, R., Jr. (2011). Backing Barack because he’s Black: Racially motivated voting in the 2008 election. Social Science Quarterly, 92(2), 423–446.Find this resource:

Block, R., Jr. (2017). Race, gender, and media coverage of Michelle Obama. Politics, Groups, and Identities, 5(1), 161–165.Find this resource:

Blum, L. (2004). Stereotypes and stereotyping: A moral analysis. Philosophical Papers, 33(3), 251–289.Find this resource:

Blumer, H. (1986). Symbolic interactionism: Perspective and method. University of California Press.Find this resource:

Bobo, L. D., & Dawson, M. C. (2009). A change has come: Race, politics, and the path to the Obama presidency. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race, 6(1), 1–14.Find this resource:

Bodenhausen, G. V., Kramer, G. P., & Süsser, K. (1994). Happiness and stereotypic thinking in social judgment. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 66(4), 621.Find this resource:

Brewer, M. B. (1999). The psychology of prejudice: Ingroup love and outgroup hate? Journal of Social Issues, 55(3), 429–444.Find this resource:

Burns, P., & Gimpel, J. G. (2000). Economic insecurity, prejudicial stereotypes, and public opinion on immigration policy. Political Science Quarterly, 115(2), 201–225.Find this resource:

Campbell, D. T. (1967). Stereotypes and the perception of group differences. American Psychologist, 22(10), 817.Find this resource:

Caputi, J. (2008–2009). Character assassinations: hate messages in election 2008 commercial paraphernalia. Denver University Law Review, 86, 585–614.Find this resource:

Catellani, P., Alberici, A. I., & Milesi, P. (2004). Counterfactual thinking and stereotypes: The nonconformity effect. European Journal of Social Psychology, 34(4), 421–436.Find this resource:

Clark, K. B., & Clark, M. P. (1939). The development of consciousness of self and the emergence of racial identification in Negro preschool children. Journal of Social Psychology, 10, 591–599.Find this resource:

Clark, K. B., & Clark, M. P. (1947). Racial identification and preference among Negro children. In E. L. Hartley (Ed.), Readings in social psychology (pp. 169–178). New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.Find this resource:

Clark, K. B., & Clark, M. P. (1950). The Negro child in the American social order. Journal of Negro Education, 19(3), 341–350.Find this resource:

Collins, P. H. (2002). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment. Abington, U.K.: Routledge.Find this resource:

Collins, P. H. (2004). Black sexual politics: African Americans, gender, and the new racism. Abington, U.K.: Routledge.Find this resource:

Combs, S. L. (2013). FLOTUS: Media darling or monster? Race, Gender & Class, 20, 266–280.Find this resource:

Condor, S. (1988). “Race stereotypes” and racist discourse. Text-Interdisciplinary Journal for the Study of Discourse, 8(1–2), 69–90.Find this resource:

Cooper, B. (2010). A’n’t I a lady? Race women, Michelle Obama, and the ever-expanding democratic imagination. Melus, 35(4), 39–57.Find this resource:

Cooper, F. R. (2008). Our first unisex president: Black masculinity and Obama’s feminine side. Denver University Law Review, 86, 633.Find this resource:

Crisp, R. J., & Hewstone, M. (2007). Multiple social categorization. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 39, 163–254.Find this resource:

Croizet, J. C., & Claire, T. (1998). Extending the concept of stereotype threat to social class: The intellectual underperformance of students from low socioeconomic backgrounds. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 24(6), 588–594.Find this resource:

De Tocqueville, A. (2003). Democracy in America, Vol. 10. Regnery.Find this resource:

Dovidio, J. F., Evans, N., & Tyler, R. B. (1986). Racial stereotypes: The contents of their cognitive representations. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 22(1), 22–37.Find this resource:

Durr, M., & Harvey Wingfield, A. M. (2011). Keep your “N” in check: African American women and the interactive effects of etiquette and emotional labor. Critical Sociology, 37(5), 557–571.Find this resource:

Eagly, A. H. (1995). The science and politics of comparing women and men. American Psychologist, 50(3), 145.Find this resource:

Ellison, K. (2008). McLaughlin: Obama “fits the stereotype Blacks once labeled as an Oreo: a Black on the outside, a White on the inside”. MediaMattres.org, July 13.Find this resource:

Enos, R. D. (2016). What the demolition of public housing teaches us about the impact of racial threat on political behavior. American Journal of Political Science, 60(1), 123–142.Find this resource:

Fancy, T. M. (2014). Media, Publicity, and Fashion: The Michelle Obama Effect A Content Analysis of News Around the World.Find this resource:

Feagin, J. R. (1972). America’s welfare stereotypes. Social Science Quarterly, 52, 921–933.Find this resource:

Fears, L. M., & Combs, S. (2013). The meaning of “angry Black woman” in print media coverage of First Lady Michelle Obama. Journal of Research on Women and Gender, 6, 1–26.Find this resource:

Fiske, A. P., Haslam, N., & Fiske, S. T. (1991). Confusing one person with another: What errors reveal about the elementary forms of social relations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 60(5), 656.Find this resource:

Fiske, S. T. (1993). Controlling other people: The impact of power on stereotyping. American Psychologist, 48(6), 621.Find this resource:

Fiske, S. T., & Taylor, S. E. (2013). Social cognition: From brains to culture. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.Find this resource:

Gans, H. J. (1995). The war against the poor: The underclass and antipoverty policy. New York: Basic Books.Find this resource:

Gardner, R. C. (1994). Stereotypes as consensual beliefs. In M. P. Zanna & J. M. Olson (Eds.), Ontario symposium on personality and social psychology: Vol. 7. The psychology of prejudice: The Ontario symposium (pp. 1–31). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.Find this resource:

Giles, M. W., & Buckner, M. A. (1993). David Duke and Black threat: An old hypothesis revisited. Journal of Politics, 55(3), 702–713.Find this resource:

Gilliam, F. D., Jr., Valentino, N. A., & Beckmann, M. N. (2002). Where you live and what you watch: The impact of racial proximity and local television news on attitudes about race and crime. Political Research Quarterly, 55(4), 755–780.Find this resource:

Good, C., Aronson, J., & Inzlicht, M. (2003). Improving adolescents’ standardized test performance: an intervention to reduce the effects of stereotype threat. Applied Developmental Psychology, 24, 645–662.Find this resource:

Graham, S., & Lowery, B. S. (2004). Priming unconscious racial stereotypes about adolescent offenders. Law and Human Behavior, 28(5), 483.Find this resource:

Gray-Little, B., & Hafdahl, A. R. (2000). Factors influencing racial comparisons of self-esteem: A quantitative review. Psychological Bulletin, 126(1), 26–54.Find this resource:

Green, L. (1998). Stereotypes: Negative racial stereotypes and their effect on attitudes toward African-Americans. Perspectives on Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity, 11(1).Find this resource:

Griffin, R. A. (2012). I AM an angry Black woman: Black feminist autoethnography, voice, and resistance. Women’s Studies in Communication, 35(2), 138–157.Find this resource:

Guerrero, L. (2011). (M) other-in-chief: Michelle Obama and the ideal of Republican womanhood. In R. Gill & C. Scharff, New femininities (pp. 68–82). London: Palgrave Macmillan.Find this resource:

Hajnal, Z. L. (2001). White residents, Black incumbents, and a declining racial divide. American Political Science Review, 95(3), 603–617.Find this resource:

Hajnal, Z. L. (2006). Changing White attitudes toward Black political leadership. Cambridge University Press.Find this resource:

Hamilton, D. L., & Sherman, J. W. (1994). Stereotypes. In R. S. Wyer Jr. & T. K. Srull (Eds.), Handbook of social cognition: Vol. 2. Applications (pp. 1–68). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.Find this resource:

Hamilton, D. L., & Sherman, S. J. (1996). Perceiving persons and groups. Psychological Review, 103(2), 336.Find this resource:

Hamilton, D. L., & Trolier, T. K. (1986). Stereotypes and stereotyping: An overview of the cognitive approach. In J. F. Dovidio & S. L. Gaertner (Eds.), Prejudice, discrimination, and racism (pp. 127–163). San Diego, CA, US: Academic Press.Find this resource:

Haynes, C. S., & Block, R., Jr. (2019). Role-Model-In-Chief: Understanding a Michelle Obama effect. Politics & Gender, 1–38.Find this resource:

Hegarty, P., & Pratto, F. (2001). The effects of social category norms and stereotypes on explanations for intergroup differences. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 80(5), 723.Find this resource:

Hegarty, P., & Pratto, F. (2004). The differences that norms make: Empiricism, social constructionism, and the interpretation of group differences. Sex Roles, 50(7), 445–453.Find this resource:

Henry, P. J., Reyna, C., & Weiner, B. (2004). Hate welfare but help the poor: How the attributional content of stereotypes explains the paradox of reactions to the destitute in America. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 34(1), 34–58.Find this resource:

Hewstone, M., Rubin, M., & Willis, H. (2002). Intergroup bias. Annual Review of Psychology, 53(1), 575–604.Find this resource:

Hilton, J. L., & Von Hippel, W. (1996). Stereotypes. Annual Review of Psychology, 47(1), 237–271.Find this resource:

Hobo1. (2011). Aunt Jemima Obama says “eat this good grub”. House of Politics, June 4.Find this resource:

Hogg, M. A., & Vaughan, G. M. (2002). Social psychology (3rd ed.). Essex, England: Prentice Hall.Find this resource:

Huddy, L., & Terkildsen, N. (1993). Gender stereotypes and the perception of male and female candidates. American Journal of Political Science, 37(1), 119–147.Find this resource:

Hunt, M. O., & Wilson, D. C. (2009). Race/ethnicity, perceived discrimination, and beliefs about the meaning of an Obama presidency. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race, 6(1), 173–191.Find this resource:

Hunzaker, M. F. (2014). Making sense of misfortune: Cultural schemas, victim redefinition, and the perpetuation of stereotypes. Social Psychology Quarterly, 77(2), 166–184.Find this resource:

Hurwitz, J., & Peffley, M. (1997). Public perceptions of race and crime: The role of racial stereotypes. American Journal of Political Science, 41, 375–401.Find this resource:

Hutchings, V. L., & Valentino, N. A. (2004). The centrality of race in American politics. Annual Review of Political Science, 7, 383–408.Find this resource:

Iyengar, S., Hahn, K. S., Messing, S., & Bailenson, J. N. (2010). Do explicit racial cues influence candidate preference? The case of skin complexion in the 2008 campaign. APSA 2010 Annual Meeting Paper.Find this resource:

Jenkins, L. R. (2012). Politics as usual: Black stereotypes and President Obama’s racialization (JD thesis). University of Seattle.Find this resource:

Jewell, K. S. (1993). From mammy to Miss America and beyond: Cultural images and the shaping of US social policy. Routledge.Find this resource:

Johnson, J. D., Olivo, N., Gibson, N., Reed, W., & Ashburn-Nardo, L. (2009). Priming media stereotypes reduces support for social welfare policies: The mediating role of empathy. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 35(4), 463–476.Find this resource:

Joseph, R. L. (2011). “Hope is finally making a comeback”: First Lady reframed. Communication, Culture & Critique, 4(1), 56–77.Find this resource:

Jost, J. T., & Banaji, M. R. (1994). The role of stereotyping in system-justification and the production of false consciousness. British Journal of Social Psychology, 33(1), 1–27.Find this resource:

Judd, C. M., & Park, B. (1993). Definition and assessment of accuracy in social stereotypes. Psychological Review, 100(1), 109.Find this resource:

Jussim, L., Eccles, J., & Madon, S. (1996). Social perception, social stereotypes, and teacher expectations: Accuracy and the quest for the powerful self-fulfilling prophecy. In M. P. Zanna (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology, Vol. 28 (pp. 281–388). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.Find this resource:

Kantor, J. (2012). The Obamas. Hachette, U.K.: Back Bay Books.Find this resource:

Kaplan, E. A. (2008). First Lady got back. Salon.com.Find this resource:

Key, V. O. (1949). Southern Politics in State and Nation. New York, NY: Vintage Books.Find this resource:

Knuckey, J., & Orey, B. D. A. (2000). Symbolic racism in the 1995 Louisiana gubernatorial election. Social science quarterly, 81(4), 1027–1036.Find this resource:

Krysan, M. (2000). Prejudice, politics, and public opinion: Understanding the sources of racial policy attitudes. Annual Review of Sociology, 26(1), 135–168.Find this resource:

Kunda, Z., & Oleson, K. C. (1995). Maintaining stereotypes in the face of disconfirmation: Constructing grounds for subtyping deviants. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 68(4), 565.Find this resource:

Lewis, S. P. (2017). Dandy Lion: The Black Dandy and Street Style. New York, NY: Aperture.Find this resource:

Lippmann, W. (1922). Public opinion. New York, NY: Macmillan.Find this resource:

Liwen, Z. (2010). Michelle Obama, has not and is not going to flout the White standard of beauty. Paper presented at Seventh Annual American Studies Network (ASN) Conference.Find this resource:

Lu, L., & Nicholson-Crotty, S. (2010). Reassessing the impact of Hispanic stereotypes on White Americans’ immigration preferences. Social Science Quarterly, 91(5), 1312–1328.Find this resource:

MacDonald, T. K., & Zanna, M. P. (1998). Cross-dimensions ambivalence toward social groups: Can ambivalence affect intentions to hire feminists? Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 24, 427–441.Find this resource:

Macrae, C. N., Milne, A. B., & Bodenhausen, G. V. (1994). Stereotypes as energy-saving devices: A peek inside the cognitive toolbox. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 66(1), 37.Find this resource:

Madison, D. S. (2009). Crazy patriotism and angry (post) Black women. Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies, 6(3), 321–326.Find this resource:

Maxwell, A., & Shields, T. (2014). The fate of Obamacare: Racial resentment, ethnocentrism and attitudes about healthcare reform. Race and Social Problems, 6(4), 293–304.Find this resource:

McCauley, C., Stitt, C. L., & Segal, M. (1980). Stereotyping: From prejudice to prediction. Psychological Bulletin, 87(1), 195.Find this resource:

McConnell, A. R., Sherman, S. J., & Hamilton, D. L. (1994). Illusory correlation in the perception of groups: An extension of the distinctiveness-based account. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67(3), 414.Find this resource:

McDermott, M. L. (1998). Race and gender cues in low-information elections. Political Research Quarterly, 51(4), 895–918.Find this resource:

McGinley, A. C. (2008). Hillary Clinton, Sarah Palin, and Michelle Obama: Performing gender, race, and class on the campaign trail. Denver University Law Review, 86, 709.Find this resource:

Mezulis, A. H., Abramson, L. Y., Hyde, J. S., & Hankin, B. L. (2004). Is there a universal positivity bias in attributions? A meta-analytic review of individual, developmental, and cultural differences in the self-serving attributional bias. Psychological Bulletin, 130(5), 711.Find this resource:

Mitchell, J. P., Nosek, B. A., & Banaji, M. R. (2003). Contextual variations in implicit evaluation. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 132(3), 455.Find this resource:

Monahan, J. L., Shtrulis, I., & Givens, S. B. (2005). Priming welfare queens and other stereotypes: The transference of media images into interpersonal contexts. Communication Research Reports, 22(3), 199–205.Find this resource:

Myrdal, G. (1944). An American dilemma: The Negro problem and modern democracy, Vol. 2. Transaction.Find this resource:

Oakes, P. J., Haslam, S. A., & Turner, J. C. (1994). Stereotyping and social reality. Blackwell.Find this resource:

Obama, S. B. (2008). A more perfect union. The Black Scholar, 38(1), 17-23.Find this resource:

Obama, M. (2018). Becoming. New York, NY: Crown Books.Find this resource:

O’Brien, R. (2013). Out of many, one: Obama and the third American political tradition. University of Chicago Press.Find this resource:

Orey, B. D. A. (2001). A new racial threat in the new South? (A conditional) yes. American Review of Politics, 22, 233–255.Find this resource:

Orey, B. D. A., Overby, L., Hatemi, P. K., & Liu, B. (2011). White support for racial referenda in the Deep South. Politics & Policy, 39(4), 539–558.Find this resource:

Osborne, J. W. (1995). Academics, self-esteem, and race: A look at the underlying assumptions of the disidentification hypothesis. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 21(5), 449–455.Find this resource:

Parker, C. S. (2016). Race and politics in the age of Obama. Annual Review of Sociology, 42, 217–230.Find this resource:

Parker, C. S., Sawyer, M. Q., & Towler, C. (2009). A Black man in the White House? The role of racism and patriotism in the 2008 presidential election. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race, 6(1), 193–217.Find this resource:

Parks, G. S., & Quinetta, M. (2008). Michelle Obama: The“ darker side” of presidential spousal involvement and activism. Cornell Law Faculty Working Paper.Find this resource:

Parks, G. S., & Roberson, Q. M. (2010). Eighteen Million Cracks: Gender’s Role in the 2008 Presidential Campaign. Wm. & Mary J. Women & L., 17, 321.Find this resource:

Peffley, M., & Hurwitz, J. (2002). The racial components of “race-neutral” crime policy attitudes. Political Psychology, 23(1), 59–75.Find this resource:

Peffley, M., Hurwitz, J., & Sniderman, P. M. (1997). Racial stereotypes and Whites’ political views of Blacks in the context of welfare and crime. American Journal of Political Science, 41(1), 30–60.Find this resource:

Peterson, L. (2008). Salon: “First Lady got back”. Racialicious.com.Find this resource:

Phinney, J. S. (1991). Ethnic identity and self-esteem: A review and integration. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 13(2), 193–208.Find this resource:

Piston, S. (2010). How explicit racial prejudice hurt Obama in the 2008 election. Political Behavior, 32(4), 431–451.Find this resource:

Prentice, D. L., & Carranza, E. (2004). Sustaining Cultural Beliefs in the Face of Their Violation: The Case of Gender Stereotypes. In M. Schaller & C. S. Crandall (Eds.), The psychological foundations of culture (pp. 259–280). Mahwah, NJ, US: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers.Find this resource:

Puwar, N., & Sharma, S. (2013). The im/possibility of Barack Hussein Obama. In M. Ledwidge, K. Verney, & I. Paramar (Eds.) Barack Obama and the myth of a post-racial America (pp. 189–203). New York: Routledge.Find this resource:

Quillian, L., & Pager, D. (2001). Black neighbors, higher crime? The role of racial stereotypes in evaluations of neighborhood crime. American Journal of Sociology, 107(3), 717–767.Find this resource:

Quinlan, M. M., Bates, B. R., & Webb, J. B. (2012). Michelle Obama “got back”:(Re) defining (counter) stereotypes of Black females. Women & Language, 35(1), 119–126.Find this resource:

Reyna, C., Dobria, O., & Wetherell, G. (2013). The complexity and ambivalence of immigration attitudes: Ambivalent stereotypes predict conflicting attitudes toward immigration policies. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 19(3), 342.Find this resource:

Rocha, R. R., & Espino, R. (2009). Racial threat, residential segregation, and the policy attitudes of Anglos. Political Research Quarterly, 62(2), 415–426.Find this resource:

Robinson, D. T., & Schwartz, J. P. (2004). Relationship between gender role conflict and attitudes toward women and African Americans. Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 5(1), 65–71.Find this resource:

Schaffner, B. F. (2011). Racial salience and the Obama vote. Political Psychology, 32(6), 963–988.Find this resource:

Schmader, T., & Johns, M. (2003). Converging evidence that stereotype threat reduces working memory capacity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 85(3), 440.Find this resource:

Schuman, H. (1997). Racial attitudes in America: Trends and interpretations. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Find this resource:

Schuman, H., Steeh, C., & Bobo, L. (1985). Racial trends in America: Trends and interpretations. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.Find this resource:

Sidanius, J. (1993). The psychology of group conflict and the dynamics of oppression: A social dominance perspective. In S. Iyengar & W. J. McGuire (Eds.), The psychology of group conflict and the dynamics of oppression: A social dominance perspective (pp. 183–219). Durham, NC: Duke University Press.Find this resource:

Sigelman, C. K., Sigelman, L., Walkosz, B. J., & Nitz, M. (1995). Black candidates, White voters: Understanding racial bias in political perceptions. American Journal of Political Science, 39(1), 243–265.Find this resource:

Snow, D. A. (2001). Extending and broadening Blumer’s conceptualization of symbolic interactionism. Symbolic Interaction, 24(3), 367–377.Find this resource:

Sparks, A. (2009). Minstrel politics or “he speaks too well”: Rhetoric, race, and resistance in the 2008 presidential campaign. Argumentation and Advocacy, 46(1), 21–38.Find this resource:

Stangor, C., Lynch, L., Duan, C., & Glas, B. (1992). Categorization of individuals on the basis of multiple social features. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 62(2), 207.Find this resource:

Steele, C. M. (1997). A threat in the air: How stereotypes shape intellectual identity and performance. American Psychologist, 52(6), 613.Find this resource:

Steele, C. M. (2011). Whistling Vivaldi: And other clues to how stereotypes affect us (issues of our time). W. W. Norton.Find this resource:

Steele, C. M., & Aronson, J. (1995). Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69(5), 797.Find this resource:

Strobe, W., & Insko, C. (1989). Stereotype, prejudice, and discrimination: Changing conceptions in theory and research. In D. Bar-Tal, C. Graumann, A. Kruglanski, & W. Strobe (Eds.) Stereotyping and prejudice: Changing conceptions. Springer Science & Business Media.Find this resource:

Swim, J. K. (1994). Perceived versus meta-analytic effect sizes: An assessment of the accuracy of gender stereotypes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 66(1), 21.Find this resource:

Taylor, S. E., Fiske, S. T., Etcoff, N. L., & Ruderman, A. J. (1978). Categorical and contextual bases of person memory and stereotyping. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 36(7), 778.Find this resource:

Tesler, M. (2012). The spillover of racialization into health care: How President Obama polarized public opinion by racial attitudes and race. American Journal of Political Science, 56(3), 690–704.Find this resource:

Tesler, M. (2016). Post-racial or most-racial? Race and politics in the Obama era. University of Chicago Press.Find this resource:

Tesler, M., & Sears, D. O. (2010). Obama’s race: The 2008 election and the dream of a post-racial America. University of Chicago Press.Find this resource:

Tiedemann, J. (2002). Teachers’ gender stereotypes as determinants of teacher perceptions in elementary school mathematics. Educational Studies in Mathematics, 50(1), 49–62.Find this resource:

Tolbert, C. J., & Grummel, J. A. (2003). Revisiting the racial threat hypothesis: White voter support for California’s Proposition 209. State Politics & Policy Quarterly, 3, 183–202.Find this resource:

Valentino, N. A., Hutchings, V. L., & White, I. K. (2002). Cues that matter: How political ads prime racial attitudes during campaigns. American Political Science Review, 96(1), 75–90.Find this resource:

Visalvanich, N. (2017). Asian candidates in America: The surprising effects of positive racial stereotyping. Political Research Quarterly, 70(1), 68–81.Find this resource:

Voss, D. S. (1996). Beyond racial threat: Failure of an old hypothesis in the new South. Journal of Politics, 58(4), 1156–1170.Find this resource:

Walker, C. E., & Smithers, G. D. (2009). The preacher and the politician: Jeremiah Wright, Barack Obama, and race in America. University of Virginia Press.Find this resource:

West, C. M. (1995). Mammy, Sapphire, and Jezebel: Historical images of Black women and their implications for psychotherapy. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research, Practice, Training, 32(3), 458.Find this resource:

West, C. M. (2008). Mammy, Jezebel, Sapphire, and their homegirls: Developing an “oppositional gaze” toward the images of Black women. In J. Chrisler, C. Golden, & P. Rozee (Eds.), Lectures on the psychology of women (4th ed., pp. 286–299). New York: McGraw Hill.Find this resource:

West, C. M. (2012). Mammy, Jezebel, Sapphire, and their homegirls: Developing an “oppositional gaze” toward the images of Black women. Working Paper, University of Washington.Find this resource:

White, I. K. (2007). When race matters and when it doesn’t: Racial group differences in response to racial cues. American Political Science Review, 101(2), 339–354.Find this resource:

Williams, V. (2009). The First (Black) Lady. Denver University Law Review, 86, 833–850.Find this resource:

Woods-Giscombé, C. L. (2010). Superwoman schema: African American women’s views on stress, strength, and health. Qualitative Health Research, 20(5), 668–683.Find this resource:

Yermack, D. (2011). The Michelle markup: The First Lady’s impact on stock prices of fashion companies. Working Paper.Find this resource:

Yzerbyt, V. Y., Schadron, G., Leyens, J. P., & Rocher, S. (1994). Social judgeability: The impact of meta-informational cues on the use of stereotypes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 66(1), 48.Find this resource: