Cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) has the strongest evidence base of all the psychological treatments for depression. It has been shown to be effective in reducing symptoms of depression and preventing relapse. All models of CBT share in common an assumption that emotional states are created and maintained through learned patterns of thoughts and behaviors and that new and more helpful patterns can be learned through psychological interventions. They also share a commitment to empirical testing of the theory and clinical practice. Beck’s Cognitive Therapy sees negative distorted thinking as central to depression and is the most established form of CBT for depression. Behavioral approaches, such as Behavioral Activation, which emphasize behavioral rather than cognitive change, also has a growing evidence base. Promising results are emerging from therapies such as Mindfulness Based Cognitive Therapy (MBCT) and rumination-focused therapy that focus on the process of managing thoughts rather than their content. Its efficacy-established CBT now faces the challenge of cost-effective dissemination to depressed people in the community.
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Stirling Moorey and Steven D. Hollon
Julia Browne, Corinne Cather, and Kim T. Mueser
Common factors, or characteristics that are present across psychotherapies, have long been considered important to fostering positive psychotherapy outcomes. The contextual model offers an overarching theoretical framework for how common factors facilitate therapeutic change. Specifically, this model posits that improvements occur through three primary pathways: (a) the real relationship, (b) expectations, and (c) specific ingredients. The most-well-studied common factors, which also are described within the contextual model, include the therapeutic alliance, therapist empathy, positive regard, genuineness, and client expectations. Empirical studies have demonstrated that a strong therapeutic alliance, higher ratings of therapist empathy, positive regard, genuineness, and more favorable outcome expectations are related to improved treatment outcomes. Yet, the long-standing debate continues regarding whether psychotherapy outcomes are most heavily determined by these common factors or by factors specific to the type of therapy used. There have been calls for an integration of the two perspectives and a shift toward evaluating mechanisms as a way to move the field forward. Nonetheless, the common factors are valuable in treatment delivery and should be a focus in delivering psychotherapy.
The story of William James (1842–1910) in the making of American psychology begins with his self-formation. His family upbringing immersed him in philosophical and religious questions, and he searched through a range of fields at Harvard University’s Lawrence Scientific School and Medical School. These contexts enabled him to connect psychology both to his scientific training and to his philosophical reflections, with use of scientific psychology to enrich his emerging understanding of the interrelation of material and immaterial dimensions of human experience. Then, during 12 years of composing The Principles of Psychology (1890), he developed psychological theories about how different people develop commitments to different philosophical orientations, and he gravitated toward theories that integrated the role of body and mind in human thought and behavior. At the end of his career, James shifted to philosophy and religious studies, and his clear and vivid writing enabled him to become a popular public intellectual. Throughout his career, James tapped the wells of his understanding of human psychology, which began with youthful curiosity about his own mind and the range of theories around him. The Principles was at once the culmination of his youthful inquiries and a platform for his later work.
Tipu Aziz and Holly Roy
Deep brain stimulation (DBS) is a neurosurgical technology that allows the manipulation of activity within specific brain regions through delivery of electrical stimulation via implanted electrodes. The growth of DBS has led to research around the development of novel interventions for a wide range of neurological and neuropsychiatric conditions, including Parkinson’s disease, dystonia, chronic pain, Tourette’s syndrome, treatment-resistant depression, anorexia nervosa, and Alzheimer’s disease. Some of these treatment approaches have a high level of efficacy as well as an established place in the clinical armamentarium for the diseases in question, such as DBS for movement disorders, including Parkinson’s disease. Other interventions are at a more developmental stage, such as DBS for depression and Alzheimer’s disease. Success both in clinical aspects of DBS and new innovations depends on a close-knit multidisciplinary team incorporating experts in the underlying condition (often neurologists and psychiatrists); neurosurgeons; nurse specialists, who may be involved in device programming and other aspects of patient care; and researchers including neuroscientists, imaging specialists, engineers, and signal analysts. Directly linked to the growth of DBS as a specialty is allied research around neural signals analysis and device development, which feed directly back into further clinical progress. The close links between clinical DBS and basic and translational research make it an exciting and fast-moving area of neuroscience.
Regina Helena de Freitas Campos
Studies of the history of Brazilian psychology generally focus on the reception and circulation of Western psychological theories and techniques and their application in research and practice within the country. This approach must be complemented by studying the transformation and production of psychological knowledge originating in Brazilian culture, including its popular levels, and its interaction with imported ideas. There are at least four sources that participate in the formation of Brazilian culture: the native Indians’ ideas on human nature and development; the contributions of African culture to the understanding of the psychological world brought by the Africans sold into slavery and transferred to Brazil between the 16th and the 19th centuries; European views received through the teaching of philosophical psychology, introduced into Catholic educational institutions in colonial times; and scientific psychology, introduced into public medical schools and teacher training institutions from the 19th century onward. The profession of psychologist, born of the confluence of the professions of physician and educator, was regulated in 1962. The tasks of the psychologist were then defined: psychological evaluation through mental tests and the diagnosis of mental and behavioral troubles, psychological guidance, and psychotherapy. The profession was primarily designed for the intellectual and social elites. From the 1990s onward, with the increasing numbers of graduates, the participation of psychologists in public health, education, and social services institutions expanded rapidly. In consequence, psychologists began to develop intervention practices and techniques more fitted to the demands of the low-income population, immersed in the beliefs and practices of Brazilian popular culture. This dialogue contributed to the construction of innovations in psychology, making it more sensitive to the worldviews arising from the cultures that compose the Brazilian cultural landscape and producing original contributions with a profound impact on modern psychology. Today, Brazilian psychology professionals constitute one of the largest communities of psychologists in the world, with a strong presence in mental health, educational, and social services networks. The work of psychologists, strongly influenced by theoretical perspectives that emphasize the relationship between sociocultural dynamics and psychological elaboration, is at present considered relevant in the realization of human rights ideals.
Conditioning is the change in the response to a stimulus either because of the relation of that stimulus to other stimuli (Pavlovian conditioning), or because of the relation between the response and other stimuli (instrumental conditioning). These relations are formulated in terms of differences in conditional probability known as contingencies. Pavlovian contingencies refer to the difference in the conditional probability of one stimulus (the outcome, or O) given the presence vs. the absence of another stimulus (the conditioned stimulus, or CS). A conditioned response (CR) may be strengthened by a positive Pavlovian contingency (excitatory conditioning) or it may be weakened by a negative Pavlovian contingency (inhibitory conditioning). CRs are anticipatory or modified responses to the O, so their topography depends on the nature of the O (appetitive vs. aversive); the proximity between and congruency of O and CS; prior experience with the CS, O, and their contingency; the magnitude of their contingency; and the characteristics of other stimuli in the environment. Instrumental contingencies refer to the relation between one stimulus (the discriminative stimulus, or SD), a response (or operant, R), and the outcome of that response (O). The nature of the O and of its contingency with the R determines whether the O strengthens or weakens the R: Os that introduce an appetitive stimulus (positive reinforcement) or remove an aversive stimulus (negative reinforcement) strengthen the R. Positive reinforcement is typically arranged on a subset of one or more Rs following a set of rules known as a schedule of reinforcement. The probability that an R is reinforced may depend on the number of Rs (ratio schedules) or the amount of time (interval schedules) since the last reinforcer. The topography and strength of instrumental Rs depend on variables that are analogous to those that affect Pavlovian CRs: the amount and nature of prior experience with the O; the proximity, congruency, and contingency of R and O; and characteristics of other stimuli in past and present environments. Contemporary quantitative models of Pavlovian and instrumental conditioning recognize the importance of contextual stimuli that compete for cognitive and behavioral resources, constraining and shaping the expression of target responses. These models have guided the bulk of recent empirical research and conceptual developments, leading to a progressively unified view of learning and motivation processes. Along the way, Pavlovian and instrumental research have demonstrated their utility in addressing a broad range of consequential societal problems.
Sergio M. Pellis and Vivien C. Pellis
Play behavior is relatively rare in the animal kingdom, but is widespread, and in some lineages is very common not only in childhood but also in adulthood. It can take many forms, as playful actions can be directed to a social partner (social play), to an inanimate object (object play), or self-directed, as the animal, jumps, runs, and turns (locomotor-rotational play). Considerable progress has been made in understanding the neural, emotional, and cognitive mechanisms mammals use in regulating social play, but whether comparable mechanisms are used to regulate other forms of play, or apply to non-mammalian animals, remains to be resolved. Similarly, social play in some mammals has been demonstrated to benefit the development of sociocognitive skills and emotional resilience, while locomotor-rotational play can benefit the development of motor skills. The factors that allow some species to gain these benefits also remain to be resolved. Statistical approaches that take the relatedness of species into account are increasingly being applied to analyze a growing comparative database that includes species from many different lineages. In addition, mathematical and computational models are being used to test the explanatory power of various factors to account for the evolution of play. Coupled with new methods in neuroscience that provide a deeper understanding of the brain during play, these approaches will enable extraordinary progress in understanding play over the next few decades.
Yannick Griep and Hannes Zacher
The role of time and time dynamics is crucial to our understanding of important Organizational Psychology phenomena such as organizational change, work–family experiences, in-role and extra-role performance, deviance, job insecurity, work design, job crafting, psychological contracts, organizational justice, incivility, talent management, human resource management, organizational decision-making, organizational commitment, personality, leadership, emotions, motivation, team work, employee well-being and health, safety, and so forth. Specifically, the inclusion of time and temporal dynamics is essential to better explain “when” a phenomenon occurs, “what” aspects of the phenomenon are being influenced, “how” these aspects are being influenced, and “why” this influence occurs. Such a dynamic way of thinking can challenge existing knowledge and traditional ways of theory building and conducting empirical research in the field of Organizational Psychology. Despite the crucial role of time and temporal dynamics, it receives little acknowledgement in the Organizational Psychology literature and most published work has not made reference to time and/or time dynamics in its methods, findings, or conclusions. This stands in stark contrast with Organizational Psychology, a field that is devoted to the study of processes and guided by the principles of time and temporal dynamics. Several scholars have expressed concerns about this inconsistency in the literature and its detrimental consequences for the validity and accuracy of the field’s corpus of knowledge. It is therefore important to clarify what is meant by time and temporal dynamics and how the Organizational Psychology literature has dealt with this operationalization of time. An ideal way to do so is to provide a review (for the period 2000–2020) of the Industrial and Organizational Psychology literature with reference to the word “time.” This review reveals that the most popular approach to time has been that of “time as a construct or variable” (43.28%), followed by “time as future prediction” (29.48%), “time in theory development or improvement” (18.28%), and “time in methodology” (8.96%). Following this review, it is imperative to propose the essential elements to which “good” time-sensitive theory and research should adhere: (a) constructs and psychological phenomena should be clearly defined with reference to the time window within which they are expected to fluctuate and/or change, (b) relationships between constructs should be defined in relation to time and/or the unfolding nature of a construct or psychological phenomena should be specified, (c) temporal features of a construct or psychological phenomenon should be defined and described in detail, and (d) temporal metrics should be defined with reference to the specific timescales, time frames, and time lags that should to be used to measure the construct or psychological phenomenon. In addition to incorporating these essential elements of “good” time-sensitive theory and research, researchers should be made aware of possible future trends for the inclusion of time and temporal dynamics in theory building and empirical research. As a corollary, this inspires and directs future research in Organizational Psychology to acknowledge and incorporate the important role of time and temporal dynamics.
Steven D. Hollon
Cognitive theory posits that how one interprets an event determines how one feels about it and what one will try to do to cope with it. It further suggests that inaccurate beliefs and maladaptive information processing lie at the core of most disorders. Cognitive therapy seeks to reduce distress and relieve dysfunction by teaching patients to examine the accuracy of their beliefs and to use their own behaviors to test their validity. The history of cognitive therapy is in essence a tale of two cities and one institute. Aaron Beck, the progenitor of the approach, did his original work in Philadelphia focused largely on depression before he expanded to other disorders. He spent time subsequently at Oxford University at the invitation of department chair Michael Gelder, whose young protégés David Clark and Paul Salkovskis refined the cognitive model for the anxiety disorders and supercharged their treatment. Anke Ehlers, who extended the model to posttraumatic stress, joined them in the 1990s before all three decamped for the Institute of Psychiatry in London, only to return a decade later. Jack Rachman at the Institute was an early mentor who commissioned conceptual treatises from all three. Chris Fairburn, who stayed at Oxford, developed a cognitive behavioral treatment for the eating disorders that focuses on changing beliefs, and Daniel Freeman from the Institute joined in 2011 with an emphasis on schizophrenia. Cognitive therapy has had a major impact on treatment in the United States but even more so in the United Kingdom, where it reigns supreme. Cognitive therapy encourages patients to use their own behaviors to test their beliefs but keeps its focus squarely on those beliefs as the key mechanism to be changed. It is one of the most efficacious and enduring treatments for the various psychiatric disorders.
This article addresses the relational dynamics of interorganizational relationships where multiple legally independent organizations work on a joint goal, for example in public–private partnerships, alliances, or joint ventures. It focuses on the dynamics of groups that consist of members representing different organizations and thus different interests, who come together to work on the multiparty task. The relational dynamics are understood from a so-called systems-psychodynamic perspective, which aims to understand the emotional life of social systems in context. The article first will depict the relational challenges of working across organizational boundaries. It then will briefly sketch how social psychology (the domain par excellence for studying intergroup relations and group dynamics) helps fathom the relational challenges and where its insights are incomplete. Then, a systems-psychodynamic perspective is introduced. The article proceeds with describing an action research approach that is sensitive to the emotional underpinnings of interorganizational relationships, by providing two illustrations: one involving a real-life infrastructural project, the other concerning a complex behavioral simulation of interorganizational dynamics. The article ends with some reflections on the use of a systems-psychodynamic perspective in understanding and working with multiparty dynamics.