141-160 of 178 Results


The Role of Historically Black Colleges and Universities in Advancing Health Equity  

Orlando L. Taylor, Nicole L. Retland, Briana Jeffreys, Elaine Meredith, Melissa E. Wynn, and Pamela L. Carter-Nolan

The end of the Civil War marked a period when America’s medical practitioners considered the Black populace to be unworthy of proper health care on par with that of its White populace. Although slavery had officially ended, its vestiges remained prevalent in the lives of formerly enslaved persons. Indeed, lingering health issues permeated the generations that have followed, such that diseases that are highly treatable have often resulted in premature illness and death. Historically, the health-care industry has even blamed the formerly enslaved and subsequent generations for their own health conditions. In the early post–Civil War years, state and local statutes legalizing segregation in the American South (known as the Jim Crow laws) cemented these views and perpetuated unfair and unequal health-care conditions. In more recent years, COVID-19 exacerbated an already dire situation, and a disproportionate share of illness and death has occurred among African Americans and other underrepresented masses. Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) can lead the way in bringing some semblance of equality to this situation. Primarily increasing the fiscal resources of HBCUs so that they can further advance the education of a more diverse health-care workforce is a critical component for providing culturally sensitive health care for the nation. HBCUs already play a disproportionate role in these efforts andwill likely continue their role to effect much-needed change in the prevalence of treatable illnesses and deadly diseases among America’s Black population. While continuing their historic mission to educate the Black populace of the United States, resulting from generations of racial exclusionary and discriminatory practices by predominantly White institutions, HBCUs continue to provide compassionate culturally sensitive education in the public health-care field. Moreover, they provide real-time testimony for the nation’s higher education enterprise on how to provide equality in health-care education.


Sex and Conception Probability  

Justin C. Konje and Oladipo A. Ladipo

Central to the survival of any species is the ability to procreate. In most cases, procreation is sexual, involving a process that ensures appropriate and timed contact between the male and female gametes. Successful human reproduction is premised on sexual intercourse occurring at a time when there is a receptive endometrium as well as an ovum ready for fertilization by spermatozoa. This time window of the menstrual cycle known as the fertile or fecund window is poorly defined and highly variable from one individual to another. Furthermore, while spermatogenesis is a continuous process, the impact of too frequent intercourse (defined as that occurring more than every 2 to 3 days) on fertilization has often been thought to be associated with a decreased fertilization potential of spermatozoa. Current evidence challenges previously held views on the fertile window and how it is determined, the timing of intercourse and how it is related to conception and miscarriages, the length of the luteal phase, and the precise time period during which the chances of fertilization are highest in any given menstrual cycle. The ability of spermatozoa to survive in the female genital tract for 5 days means fertilization can occur up to 5 days from sexual intercourse. During each menstrual cycle, there is a window of 5 to 6 days for fertilization to occur, and this period is defined not by the length of the cycle but by the timing of ovulation, with the chances of fertilization highest with intercourse occurring 1 to 2 days before ovulation.


Sexual and Reproductive Health in China  

Qianling Zhou, Chu-Yao Jin, and Hai-Jun Wang

Databases of PubMed, Scopus, and China National Knowledge Infrastructure (CNKI) were used to search relevant articles on sexual and reproductive health (SRH) in China published from 2005 to the present (2021), based on the World Health Organization’s (WHO) Operational Framework on Sexual Health and Its Linkages to Reproductive Health. The following results were found. (a) SRH education and information among the Chinese were insufficient, in particular regarding contraception, pregnancy, and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). Adolescents, migrants, and the rural population had insufficient knowledge of SRH. (b) Fertility care services were mainly available in large cities, in urban areas, and for married couples. Services targeted for rural-to-urban migrants, rural residents, and the disabled and elderly are needed. (c) A total of 22.4% of youths aged 15–24 had premarital sexual intercourse, and the age of first sexual intercourse was decreasing. Risky sexual behaviors included multiple partners, casual and commercial sex, and having sex after drinking alcohol. (d) The contraceptive practice rate of women aged 15–49 in China was higher than the world’s corresponding figure. However, contraceptive use among young people was low (only 32.3% among unmarried women). (e) Unmarried pregnancy induced by low contraceptive practice is a critical issue in China. (f) Induced abortion was the major consequence of unmarried pregnancy. The rate of induced abortion among the general population in 2016 was 28.13‰, and the rate among unmarried women was increasing annually. (g) There were 958,000 HIV-infected cases in China as of October 2019. Sexual transmission was the major transmission route of HIV-AIDS. More men than women were infected. Men having sex with men comprised the high-risk group of sexual transmission of HIV-AIDS. (h) Gender-based violence including intimate partner violence (IPV), sexual violence, sexual coercion, and child sexual abuse (CSA) might be underreported in China, since many victims were afraid to seek help as well as due to limited services. Legal and regulatory measures should therefore be taken to prevent and reduce gender-based violence. For future perspectives of SRH in China, it is important to pay attention to SRH education and services. An up-to-date national survey on SRH is needed to reflect the current situation and to capture changes over the past decade. Most of the current research has been conducted among adolescents, and more studies are needed among other groups, such as the disabled, the elderly, and homosexual populations.


Sexual and Reproductive Health in India  

Shireen Jejeebhoy, K. G. Santhya, and A. J. Francis Zavier

India has demonstrated its commitment to improving the sexual and reproductive health of its population. Its policy and program environment has shifted from a narrow focus on family planning to a broader orientation that stresses sexual and reproductive health and the exercise of rights. Significant strides have been made. The total fertility rate is 2.2 (2015–2016) and has reached replacement level in 18 of its 29 states. The age structure places the country in the advantageous position of being able to reap the demographic dividend. Maternal, neonatal, and perinatal mortality have declined, child marriage has declined steeply, contraceptive use and skilled attendance at delivery have increased, and HIV prevalence estimates suggest that the situation is not as dire as assumed earlier. Yet there is a long way to go. Notwithstanding impressive improvements, pregnancy-related outcomes, both in terms of maternal and neonatal mortality and morbidity, remain unacceptably high. Postpartum care eludes many women. Contraceptive practice patterns reflect a continued focus on female sterilization, limited use of male methods, limited use of non-terminal methods, and persisting unmet need. The overwhelming majority of abortions take place outside of legally sanctioned provider and facility structures. Over one-quarter of young women continues to marry in childhood. Comprehensive sexuality education reaches few adolescents, and in general, sexual and reproductive health promoting information needs are poorly met. Access to and quality of services, as well as the exercise of informed choice are far from optimal. Inequities are widespread, and certain geographies, as well as the poor, the rural, the young, and the socially excluded are notably disadvantaged. Moving forward and, in particular, achieving national goals and SDGs 3 and 5 require multi-pronged efforts to accelerate the pace of change in all of these dimensions of health and rights.


Social and Environmental Determinants of Health Among People With Disabilities  

Eric Emerson

There is extensive evidence that people with disabilities experience significantly poorer health than their nondisabled peers. These are, in part, health inequities (differences in health status that are avoidable, unjust, and unfair) resulting from increased rates of exposure of people with disabilities to a range of well-established social (and environmental) determinants of poor health, including poverty, reduced access to effective education, lack of employment or employment under hazardous or precarious conditions, social disconnectedness, violence, discrimination, and poor healthcare. They also include environmental determinants of poor health that are a direct result of human activity (e.g., outdoor air pollution resulting from industrial processes and transportation). In addition, people with disabilities are often less likely than their peers to have access to many of the resources (power, wealth, social support, problem-solving skills) that have been linked to increased resilience in the face of adversity. As such, it would appear reasonable to expect that the health of people with disabilities is as likely, if not more so, to deteriorate, when exposed to social determinants, than the health of their nondisabled peers. Future research needs to focus on two key issues. First, given that most of the current evidence has been generated in high-income countries, it is critical for future research to focus on the situation of people with disabilities living in middle- and low-income countries. Second, more needs to be known about the determinants of the resilience and/or vulnerability of people with disabilities. Some significant limitations remain in the current evidence base, but it is clear that existing knowledge is sufficient to drive and guide changes in policy and practice that could reduce the health inequities faced by people with disabilities. These include (a) improving the visibility of people with disabilities in local, national, and international health surveillance systems; (b) making “reasonable accommodations” to the operation of healthcare systems to ensure that people with disabilities are not exposed to systemic discrimination in access to and the quality of healthcare; and (c) ensuring that people with disabilities are included in and benefit equally from local and national strategies to reduce population levels of exposure to well-established social determinants of health.


Social and Gender Norms Influencing Sexual and Reproductive Health: Conceptual Approaches, Intervention Strategies, and Evidence  

Shaon Lahiri, Elizabeth Costenbader, and Jeffrey B. Bingenheimer

Research in diverse fields has examined how social and gender norms, broadly defined as informal rules of acceptable behavior in a given group or society, may influence sexual and reproductive health outcomes. One set of conceptual and empirical approaches has focused on perceptions of how commonly others perform a behavior and the extent to which others support or approve of the behavior. Another set of approaches has focused on how social norms emerge from structures of gender and power that characterize the social institutions within which individuals are embedded. Interventions intended to improve sexual and reproductive health outcomes by shifting social and gender norms have been applied across a wide range of populations and settings and to a diverse set of behaviors, including female genital mutilation/cutting, the use of modern contraceptive methods, and behavioral risk reduction for HIV. Norms-based intervention strategies have been implemented at multiple socioecological levels and have taken a variety of forms, including leveraging the influence of prominent individuals, using community activities or mass media to shift attitudes, and introducing legislation or policies that facilitate the changing of social norms. Recent advances in social and gender norms scholarship include the integration of previously disparate conceptual and empirical approaches into a unified multilevel framework. Although challenges remain in measuring social and gender norms and studying their impacts on sexual and reproductive health-related behaviors across cultures, the research will continue to shape policies and programs that impact sexual and reproductive health globally.


Social Medicine and the Social Sciences in Latin America: Conceptual Tensions for the Transformation of Public Health in the 20th Century  

Arachu Castro

The development of public health in Latin America during the 20th century combined, early on, the social medicine framework on the social, political, and environmental origins of disease with the contributions of medical anthropological fieldwork. Despite the hegemony of the medical model, the surge of the preventive medicine framework further legitimized the involvement of social scientists in the study of the multicausality of disease. However, the limitations brought by the preventive medicine model’s lack of historical and political contextualization gave way to the Latin American social medicine movement, which was grounded in historical materialism, and the development of both critical epidemiology and critical medical anthropology.


Street Science: Community Knowledge for Global Health Equity  

Jason Corburn

Street science is the processes used by community residents to understand, document, and take action to address the environmental health issues they are experiencing. Street science is an increasingly essential process in global urban health, as more and more people live in complex environments where physical and social inequalities create cumulative disease burdens. Street science builds on a long tradition of critical public health that values local knowledge, participatory action research, and community-driven science, sometimes referred to as “citizen science.” Street scientists often partner with professional scientists, but science from the street does not necessarily fit into professional models, variables or other standards of positivist data. Street science is not one method, but rather an approach where residents are equally expert as professional scientists, and together they co-produce evidence for action. In this way, street science challenges conventional notions in global health and urban planning, which tend to divorce technical issues from their social setting and discourage a plurality of participants from engaging in everything from problem setting to decision-making. Street science does not romanticize local or community knowledge as always more accurate or superior to other ways of knowing and doing, but it also recognizes that local knowledge acts as an oppositional discourse that gives voice to the often silent suffering of disadvantaged people. At its best, street science can offer a framework for a new urban health science that incorporates community knowledge and expertise to ensure our cities and communities promote what is already working, confront the inequities experienced by the poor and vulnerable, and use this evidence to transform the physical and social conditions where people live, learn, work, and play.


Substance Use and Use Disorders in Pregnancy in Two Cultural Contexts: The United States and Afghanistan  

Elisabeth Johnson, Abdul Subor Momand, and Hendree E. Jones

Women in all countries use substances, and for some women, such use continues during pregnancy. When substance use impairs life functioning and becomes a use disorder, regardless of the type of substance, effective treatments are available (e.g., medication to treat opioid and alcohol use disorders and behavioral approaches to treat tobacco, stimulant, and other substances). In two very different cultural contexts, the United States and Afghanistan, pregnant women face common issues when using substances and seeking and/or receiving help for problem substance use. In both countries, and around the world, many women who have substance use disorders during and after pregnancy face tremendous stigma and discrimination. Yet, similarly, in both the United States and Afghanistan, when women receive integrated medical and behavioral health care for their substance use disorder, they and their children have more optimized opportunities for healthy life outcomes.


Surveys in Low- and Middle-Income Countries  

Madeleine Short Fabic, Yoonjoung Choi, and Fredrick Makumbi

Sexual and reproductive health (SRH) surveys around the world, especially in low- and middle-income countries, have been and continue to be the primary sources of data about individual-, community-, and population-level sexual and reproductive health. Beginning with the Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices surveys of the late 1950s, SRH surveys have been crucial tools for informing public health programming, healthcare delivery, public policy, and more. Additionally, major demographic and health modeling and estimation efforts rely on SRH survey data, as have thousands of research studies. For more than half a century, surveys have met major SRH information needs, especially in low- and middle-income countries. And even as the world has achieved impressive information technology advances, increasing by orders of magnitude the depth and breadth of data collected and analyzed, the necessity and importance of surveys have not waned. As of 2021, four major internationally comparable SRH survey platforms are operating in low- and middle-income countries—the Demographic and Health Surveys Program (DHS), Multiple-Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS), Population-Based HIV Impact Assessment (PHIA), and Performance Monitoring for Action (PMA). Among these platforms, DHS collects the widest range of data on population, health, and nutrition, followed by MICS. PHIA collects the most HIV-related data. And PMA’s family planning data are collected with the most frequency. These population-based household surveys are rich data sources, collecting data to measure a wide range of SRH indicators—from contraceptive prevalence to HIV prevalence, from cervical cancer screening rates to skilled birth delivery rates, from age at menarche to age at first sex, and more. As with other surveys, SRH surveys are imperfect; selection bias, recall bias, social desirability bias, interviewer bias, and misclassification bias and error can represent major concerns. Furthermore, thorny issues persist across the decades, including perpetual historic, measurement, and methodological concerns. To provide a few examples with regard to history, because the major survey programs have historically been led by donors and multilateral organizations based in the Global North, survey content and implementation have been closely connected with donor priorities, which may not align with local priorities. Regarding measurement, maternal mortality data are highly valued and best collected through complete vital registration systems, but many low- and middle-income countries do not have complete systems and therefore rely on estimates collected through household surveys and censuses. And regarding methods, because most surveys offer only a snapshot in time, with the primary purpose of monitoring key indicators using a representative sample, most analyses of survey data can only show correlation and association rather than causation. Opportunities abound for ongoing innovation to address potential biases and persistent thorny issues. Finally, the SHR field has been and continues to be a global leader for survey development and implementation. If past is prelude, SRH surveys will be invaluable sources of knowledge for decades to come.


Ten Lessons From a Career in Global Health: Guidance to Those Considering a Life Working With the Poor Countries of the World  

Jon Rohde

Global health, defined by the World Health Organization as “priority on improving health and achieving equity in health for all people worldwide,” is an expanded view of traditional public health. While utilizing many of the tools widely taught in schools of public health, its emphasis is both on reaching the poorest and most isolated populations and transferring knowledge and skills for their benefit. Extensive and continuous field interactions and collaboration with the populations for whom health interventions are intended to benefit are very important. Thus, immersion in local culture and society, language skills, and active listening are key attributes for a global health professional to acquire. These apply to local health workers as well as expatriates. A broad array of disciplinary insights, ranging from clinical medicine to social sciences, communication strategies, and team building, are often more valuable than a single technocentric expertise, enabling a more holistic approach to health problems. The ability to simplify suggested techniques and interventions and especially the ability to create a culturally understood logic behind biomedical explanations go a long way to establishing acceptance of health messages and advice. Introducing new ideas, habits, and procedures incrementally rather than in one large dose of instructions or training has more lasting impact on both trainees and the targeted population. Invariably, delegating both authority and responsibility to “lower-level” workers—that is, those closer to the people through tradition, familiarity, and geographic access—results in greater acceptability and uptake of desired behaviors. Learning in the field is best accomplished from observing and emulating mentor figures—those who best exemplify the attributes of a widely accepted and respected health leader. In time, one’s own role as a mentor for new recruits facilitates the transfer of attitudes and approaches that embody these important principles of global health work. In the end, one’s impact on communities will be measured by the people and institutions that one inspires and leaves to carry on the work into the future.


The Demography of Fertility  

Visseho Adjiwanou and Ben Malinga John

From the first billion people in the world in 1800 to the projected 9.7 billion people in 2050, the world’s population has passed through various stages. However, the different stages have not been the same for each global region or for every country within the same region. On one side of the spectrum is the fertility transition in Europe and North America, where the decline has been steady, with the median total fertility rate (TFR) declining from 2.80 children per woman in 1950–1955 to 1.66 in 2015–2020. In this region, childbearing is no longer the final goal of marriage, and this change has been accompanied by the emergence of new forms of union. The fertility rate is below the level of replacement in almost all the countries. On the other side of the spectrum is sub-Saharan Africa, where fertility has declined slowly and has stalled in various countries since the 2000s. The median TFR in the region declined from 6.51 children per woman in 1950–1955 to 4.72 in 2015–2020. In this region, this trend is associated with slower increase of the age at first marriage and in of the modern contraception. The fertility transition and its associated factors in the other regions of the world fluctuate between these two scenarios.


The Health Impact of Water and Sanitation Utilities Privatization and Regulation in Sub-Saharan Africa  

Lisa Bagnoli, Salvador Bertomeu-Sanchez, and Antonio Estache

As of 2017, the urban access rate to safe water sources in 2017 stood at 84% while rural access was still around 45%. The rates for sanitation were 44% and 22%, respectively. Since the 1980s many high-profile reforms supported by international organizations have been implemented in the region in an attempt to close the access gaps in the water and sanitation sector (WSS). Two recommendations with high international exposure were an increased role for large-scale private sector participation in the management and financing of national or regional utilities and the creation of separate sector regulatory agencies to increase the independence of regulation. Both reforms seemed to contribute to improved water access rates, at least for the urban population, but not enough to catch up with the demands of a fast-growing population; and both failed to deliver on sanitation. The progress these initiatives allowed was correlated with improvements in the average health outcomes for some indicators (i.e., under-five mortality associated to diarrhea) but once again, it was not enough and was not fairly distributed. Indeed, improvements seem to have mostly benefited upper- and middle-income groups. Unfortunately, an evaluation of the health effects of these two reforms have not yet been fully established empirically, which is why it seems prudent to talk about correlations rather than causal effects. Most of the statistically robust evidence on the impact of utilities and regulatory reforms on health is incomplete because details of several dimensions of these reforms and their context are not measured consistently across countries or within countries. In addition, the small amount of econometric evidence available is based on pre-2010 data for SSA. The imperfect data is however solid enough to suggest that without further governance changes in the region, the health risks are likely to increase. This is because due to the high population growth rate of the region, closing the access gaps is likely to get tougher considering current investment levels and technological choices. The necessary changes require improving the match between policy and technological choices, including service delivery technologies that are consistent with the ability to pay and the tariff and subsidy levels adopted to ensure cost recovery without excluding any category of users.


Theory of Change in Sports-Based Urban Youth Programs: Lessons from Creating Chances  

Rachel Baffsky, Lynn Kemp, and Anne Bunde-Birouste

Sports-based positive youth development (SB-PYD) programs are health promotion programs that intentionally use sports to build life skills and leadership capacity among young people at risk of social exclusion. The defining characteristics of SB-PYD programs are that they are strengths-based, holistic, and use sports as a vehicle to maximize young people’s health, social, and educational outcomes. SB-PYD programs aim to enhance modifiable social determinants of health (such as social inclusion) by explicitly addressing three Ottawa charter action areas; strengthening community action, developing personal skills, and creating supportive environments. These programs have been increasingly implemented since the early 2000s to address the United Nations’ sustainable development goals. Despite their growth, research indicates that SB-PYD programs are often designed, implemented, and evaluated without evidence-based theories of change. An evidence-based theory of change is a visual depiction of a program’s assumptions, activities, contextual factors, and outcomes supported by scientific findings. A lack of evidence-based theory of change becomes problematic at the implementation phase when practitioners are trying to determine if their programs should be adapted or fixed. Without an evidence-based theory of change, practitioners are making changes based on their intuition, which limits program outcomes. However, the process of developing a theory of change is time-consuming and resource intensive. Multiple calls to action have been made for SB-PYD practitioners who have successfully developed evidence-based theories of change to share their process with others in the field. This will provide a blueprint for other SB-PYD practitioners to develop and articulate their own theories of change to optimize program development and adaptation. Traditional translational research models assume the development of an evidence-based theory of change is the first step in a linear process of developing a sustainable health promotion program. However, in the 2010s, researchers started to observe that the development and adaptation of health promotion programs was rarely a linear process in reality, and that case studies are needed to provide empirical support for this claim. It is valuable for SB-PYD practitioners to consider the benefits of using translational research to develop and revise evidence-based theories of change for programs at any stage of implementation to maximize their public health impact.


The People’s Health Movement  

Ravi Narayan, Claudio Schuftan, Brendan Donegan, Thelma Narayan, and Rajeev B. R.

The People’s Health Movement (PHM) is a vibrant global network bringing together grass-roots health activists, public interest civil society organizations, issue-based networks, academic institutions, and individuals from around the world, particularly the Global South. Since its inception in 2000, the PHM has played a significant role in revitalizing Health for All (HFA) initiatives, as well as addressing the underlying social and political determinants of health with a social justice perspective, at global, national, and local levels. The PHM is part of a global social movement—the movement for health. For more than a century, people across the world have been expressing doubts about a narrowly medical vision of health care, and calling for focus on the links between poor health and social injustice, oppression, exploitation, and domination. The PHM grew out of engagement with the World Health Organization by a number of existing civil society networks and associations. Having recognized the need for a larger coalition, representatives of eight networks and institutions formed an international organizing committee to facilitate the first global People’s Health Assembly in Savar, Bangladesh, in the year 2000. The eight groups were the International People’s Health Council, Consumer International, Health Action International, the Third World Network, the Asian Community Health Action Network, the Women’s Global Network for Reproductive Rights, the Dag Hammarskjold Foundation and Gonoshasthaya Kendra. All these groups consistently raised and opposed the selectivization and verticalization of Primary Health Care (PHC) that followed Alma Ata leading to what was called Selective PHC (i.e., not the original comprehensive PHC). These groups came together to organize the committee for the first People’s Health Assembly and then to form the Charter Committee that led to the People’s Health Charter, which finally led to the actual PHM. Within PHM, members engage critically and constructively in health initiatives, health policy critique, and formulation, thus advancing people’s demands. The PHM builds capacities of community activists to participate in monitoring health-related policies, the governance of health systems, and keeping comprehensive PHC as a central strategy in world debate. The PHM ensures that people’s voices become part of decision-making processes. The PHM has an evolving presence in over 80 countries worldwide, consisting of groups of individuals and/or well-established PHM circles with their own governance and information-sharing mechanisms. It additionally operates through issue-based circles across countries.


The Politics of Primary Health Care  

David Sanders and Louis Reynolds

The global project to achieve Health for All through Primary Health Care (PHC) is a profoundly political one. In seeking to address both universal access to health care and the social determinants of health (SDH) it challenges power blocs which have material vested interests in technical approaches to health and development. The forces that have shaped PHC include Community Oriented Primary Care and the Health Centre Movement, the “basic health services approach,” and nongovernmental and national initiatives that exemplified comprehensive and participatory approaches to health development. The 1978 Alma-Ata Declaration codified these experiences and advocated Health for All by the year 2000 through PHC. It emphasized equitable and appropriate community and primary-level health care as well as intersectoral actions and community participation to address the social and environmental determinants of health. This would need the support of a new international economic order. The concept of “Selective Primary Health Care” emerged soon after Alma-Ata, privileging a limited set of technical interventions directed at selected groups, notably young children. This was soon operationalized as UNICEF’s Child Survival Revolution. The visionary and comprehensive policy of PHC was further eroded by the 1970s debt crisis and subsequent economic policies including structural adjustment and accelerated neoliberal globalization that deregulated markets and financial flows and reduced state expenditure on public services. This translated, in many countries, as “health sector reform” with a dominant focus on cost efficiency to the detriment of broad developmental approaches to health. More recently this selective approach has been aggravated by the financing of global health through public-private partnerships that fund specific interventions for selected diseases. They have also spawned many “service delivery” NGOs whose activities have often reinforced a biomedical emphasis, supported by large philanthropic funding such as that of the Gates Foundation. Educational institutions have largely failed to transform their curricula to incorporate the philosophy and application of PHC to inform the practice of students and graduates, perpetuating weakness in its implementation. Revitalizing PHC requires at least three key steps: improved equity in access to services, a strong focus on intersectoral action (ISA) to address SDH and prioritization of community-based approaches. The third sustainable development goal (SDGs) focuses on health, with universal health coverage (UHC) at its center. While UHC has the potential to enhance equitable access to comprehensive health care with financial protection, realizing this will require public financing based on social solidarity. Groups with vested interests such as private insurance schemes and corporate service providers have already organized against this approach in some countries. The SDGs also provide an opportunity to enhance ISA, since they include social and environmental goals that could also support the scaling up of Community Health Worker programs and enhanced community participation. However, SDG-8, which proposes high economic growth based substantially on an extractivist model, contradicts the goals for environmental sustainability. Human-induced environmental degradation, climate change, and global warming have emerged as a major threat to health. As presciently observed at Alma-Ata, the success of PHC, and Health for All requires the establishment of a new, ecologically sustainable, economic order.


The Role of Service User Preferences and User-Centered Approaches in Adult Social Care  

Helen Dickinson and Robin Miller

In recent years we have seen growing interest in a range of countries around how service user preferences can be accommodated in adult social care and how these services might be oriented to be more user-centered. There is a diverse array of different initiatives that might be classified as creating more user-centered approaches. Those at the strategic (macro) and organizational (meso) levels typically have greater amounts of evidence available than those at the individual (micro) level. However, many of these struggle to significantly disrupt power relations and clearly demonstrate an impact on service users. Those at the micro level more readily demonstrate impact, although the very local nature of these interventions means that they are not always well evaluated, and lessons may not be easy to transfer from one context to another. Overall, there is no system that has managed to reorient its adult social care system in a wholesale way; this is an issue that requires both technical and cultural change. Such changes take time to achieve, but there is much that can be learned from the existing evidence base.


Time in Health Promotion and Public Health  

Lyndall Strazdins

Being physically active and eating fresh foods could reduce the growing burdens of cardiovascular disease, cognitive decline, obesity, some cancers, diabetes type II, depression, and anxiety. Increasing these health behaviors has been a public health focus for decades, yet over one half of adults around the world remain insufficiently physically active and four in ten are overweight or obese. When people are asked why they don’t exercise more or eat healthy food, the most common reason they give is lack of time. Everyone has 24 hours in a day, so why do so many people say they lack time to be healthy? Time is a challenging (and intriguing) concept. Usually, time is thought about in terms of hours and minutes which evenly divide a day, and its lack a consequence of misguided priorities. This assumes that all hours are equal and available for use and that every person has agency over their time. Although having sufficient time is fundamental to health (exercising, preparing healthy food, resting, accessing services, and maintaining social bonds all take time), other dimensions such as control, flexibility, intensity, and timing are essential for understanding how time and health are connected. Like income, time is exchanged and given within households, so it can be fruitful to view time as a household resource rather than an individual’s resource. In the labor market, time is exchanged for payment, and this underscores time’s potency as a social and economic resource. Historically, research on the social determinants of health and health equity have focused on the harms linked to work hours, including the length and timing of the work day and flexible hours. Yet this research missed the importance of time outside the labor market, which alters the health consequence of work hours, delivering only a partial analysis of how time shapes health. Research since the early 2000s is supplying new evidence of the interplay between work, care, and other non-market time, allowing a more accurate insight into how time shapes health and how this relationship connects to social and gender equity. Debates remain, however, and these include the extent to which time pressure and time scarcity are problems of motivation and perception and whether time scarcity is a problem of only the affluent. There are precedents to address time costs and inequities. A first step for health prevention and health promotion practitioners is to value time in ways comparable to how the field values money. This would mean limiting the time costs of health interventions and services, including the requirement to “find time” outside of work or care roles to be healthy. The field also needs to challenge the idea that the income-poor are time-rich since this is rarely the case if they are caregivers. As well as minimizing time burdens, policies to address the social determinants of time from urban planning, transport systems, and work-hour regulations will be critical to achieving a fairer and healthier world.


Traditional Chinese Medicine and Public Health  

Paul Unschuld

In many countries, Traditional Chinese Medicine has acquired a status similar to other historical healthcare systems that are not at all or only partially legitimated by modern science, such as Ayurveda and homeopathy. They all contribute in one way or another to the health of the public. And yet, Chinese medicine eludes inclusion in modern, global public health concepts. Its focus on the individual patient-healer relationship, its diverse non-Chinese terminologies, often developed by individuals regardless of the historical meaning of the original Chinese terms, and an increasingly uncoordinated development of TCM in China and the rest of the world, with heterogenous educational standards resulting in very different skill levels of practitioners, make it impossible to draw far-reaching conclusions and contribute generalizable suggestions for the continued improvement of global public health.


Traditional Medicine and Indigenous Health in Indigenous Hands  

Gerard Bodeker and Kishan Kariippanon

An estimated 370 million Indigenous people reside in 90 countries and make up 5% of the global population. Three hundred million Indigenous people live in extremely disadvantaged rural locations. Indigenous people have suffered from historic injustices due to colonization and the dispossession of their lands, territories, and resources, thus preventing them from exercising their right to development according to their own needs and interests. Across the board, Indigenous people have poorer health outcomes when compared to their non-Indigenous fellow citizens. Cancer, respiratory disease, endocrine, nutritional, and metabolic disorders, primarily diabetes, affect Indigenous people disproportionately. Newborns of Indigenous women are more than twice as likely to be of low birth weight as those born to non-Indigenous women. Indigenous rates of suicide are the highest in the world. For public health to be effective, a social determinants approach, along with health interventions, is insufficient to create lasting health impact. Partnerships with Indigenous organizations, Indigenous researchers, and the professionalization of health workers is essential. Integration of traditional medicine and traditional health practitioners can enable the Western biomedical model to work in partnership with Indigenous knowledge systems and become more locally relevant and accountable. The Indigenous health workforce is increasingly using evidence-based, innovative approaches to address the shortage of health professionals as they move toward universal health coverage. Internet, mobile, and communication technologies are enhancing the mobilization of Indigenous health efforts and the support for health workers in rural locations. Presented are country examples of integrated medicine and Indigenous partnerships that effectively implement health interventions.