Children and adults with intellectual disabilities have poorer health and are more likely to die sooner than their non–intellectually disabled peers. There is growing evidence that some of these inequalities in health are avoidable, unjust, and unfair, given that they are driven by the higher rates of exposure of people with intellectual disabilities to well-established social determinants of poor health. People with intellectual disabilities are more likely than their peers to: live in poverty, not be employed (or if employed to work under precarious conditions), be exposed to discrimination and violence, face significant barriers in accessing effective health care, and be less resilient when exposed to adversities. In other words, they are examples of health inequities that arise from “the societal conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age, referred to as social determinants of health. These include early years’ experiences, education, economic status, employment and decent work, housing and environment, and effective systems of preventing and treating ill health” (World Health Organization).
Future research needs to address three key issues. First, most of the existing evidence is based on the experiences of people with intellectual disabilities in the world’s high-income countries. In contrast, the vast majority of the world’s population live in middle- and low-income countries. The limited evidence available suggests that children with intellectual disabilities growing up in middle- and low-income countries are much more likely than their peers to be growing up in poverty and to be exposed to specific social determinants of poorer health associated with poverty such as undernutrition, poor sanitation, low levels of parental stimulation, violent parental discipline, and hazardous forms of child labor. Second, little research has focused on health inequalities and inequities among two important groups of people with intellectual disabilities: people with intellectual disabilities from minority ethnic communities and people with mild intellectual disabilities. Third, very little research has attempted to test the proposition that people with intellectual disabilities may be more or less resilient than their peers when exposed to social determinants of health.
While much remains to be learned about the inequalities and inequities faced by people with intellectual disabilities, the existing knowledge is sufficient to guide and drive changes in policy and practice that could reduce the health inequities faced by people with intellectual disabilities. These include: improving the visibility of people with intellectual disabilities in local, national, and international health surveillance systems; making “reasonable accommodations” to the operation of health care systems (e.g., introducing annual health checks into primary care services, making “easy read” materials available, employing intellectual disabilities liaison nurses in acute hospitals) to ensure that people with intellectual disabilities are not exposed to systemic discrimination; and ensuring that people with intellectual disabilities (along with all other people with disabilities) are included in and benefit equally from local and national strategies to reduce population levels of exposure to well-established social determinants of poor health.
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Article
Silvia Declich, Maria Grazia Dente, Christina Greenaway, and Francesco Castelli
Increasing human mobility, of which migration is a component, is a key driver of microorganism circulation. Migration is a minor component of all human mobility, with most movement due to international tourism, travel for work, business, or study, and military operations abroad. Migration flows from southern low-income countries to the industrialized north have steadily increased as a consequences of a complex array of distal and proximal factors such as economic inequality, climate change, political turbulence, war and persecution, and family reunification. This has raised concerns about the potential transmission and reintroduction of microorganisms and infectious diseases into high-income host countries from migrants with asymptomatic infections such as tuberculosis, HIV, viral hepatitis, malaria, Chagas disease, and arboviral infections. These factors contribute to the mounting hostile attitude sometimes observed in receiving countries and deserve careful scientific assessment to inform policies and interventions.
The available evidence does not support the hypothesis that migrants constitute a relevant infectious public health risk for the local population, although careful epidemiological surveillance is mandatory, especially where competent vectors for specific infection are present in the destination area, where certain diseases may potentially be introduced or reintroduced.
The greatest risk of infectious diseases is to the migrants themselves due to increased risk of exposure within their own communities and from the burden of undetected and untreated infections caused by marginalization and poor living conditions. The health conditions vary at the different stages of settlement and interventions need to be tailored accordingly. In the early arrival phase the main health concerns are psychological, traumatic, and chronic conditions. Crowded unhygienic living conditions often experienced by migrants in reception camps coupled with low vaccination rate may facilitate the transmission of respiratory or gastrointestinal infections or vaccine-preventable diseases. After resettlement, undetected infections and the lack of access to health care due to social marginalization may lead to the reactivation or progression of infections such as tuberculosis, viral hepatitis, HIV, and chronic helminthiasis. These outcomes could be prevented through screening and treatment and would benefit both migrants and the host populations. Pretravel interventions that increase the awareness of the possible infectious risks in their countries of origin are critical to decrease travel-related infection among visiting friends and relatives, especially those traveling with children. Migrant-friendly health systems that ensure prompt access to diagnosis and treatment, regardless of legal status, are the best interventions to limit the burden and transmission of infections in this population.
Article
Sharon Reif, Margaret T. Lee, and Emily Ledingham
As many as one in four adults have a disability and up to one in 12 have addiction to alcohol or drugs yet little is known about their intersection or more broadly about substance use among people with disabilities. The complex interplay of social, economic, and health factors associated with disability are also risk factors for substance use, unhealthy use, and addiction. Disability stigma and stereotypes are common around substance use by disabled people and their ability to engage in treatment and recovery. Many people with disabilities abstain from alcohol and drug use yet rates of addiction are higher across most disabilities than among the nondisabled, with the notable exception of alcohol. Despite this, disabled people are less likely to enter addiction treatment than nondisabled people. Stigma and other barriers to treatment are common for all people with substance use problems and more so for people with disabilities. Attitudes, discriminatory policies or practices, communications, and physical constraints reflect ableism and affect the ability of people with disabilities to enter addiction treatment. Once treatment is initiated, success can be maximized by meeting specific disability-related needs. For people with physical and sensory disabilities, if physical accessibility and communications accommodations are met, success in addiction treatment presumably should parallel that of people without these disabilities. For people with intellectual, developmental, and cognitive disabilities, success may require additional adaptations. Promising approaches exist but cross-systems training and collaboration is essential. By reducing ableism, misbeliefs, and stigma and offering flexible treatment approaches along with the required accommodations, people with disabilities who also have addiction should be supported in reducing unhealthy substance use and in their paths to recovery.
Article
Susan Hughes, Cheryl Der Ananian, and Andrew DeMott
Osteoarthritis (OA) currently affects 32.5 million people in the United States at a cost of $136.8 billion. The available literature on the epidemiology of OA shows that the number of people affected will increase exponentially by the year 2040, affecting 78.4 million people. There is an abundance of evidence that self-management and physical activity (PA) approaches improve multiple outcomes for individuals with arthritis. However, these programs are not widely accessible to the population that can benefit from them across the United States. Two national organizations—the arthritis program of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Administration on Community Living (ACL)—have established similar, but distinct, criteria for the review of evidence-based programs and seek to promote their dissemination. The CDC arthritis program has reviewed the evidence bases of arthritis-appropriate, evidence-based intervention programs and classified them as self-management or PA approaches. These “recognized” programs are recommended for national dissemination by the CDC. The ACL has also recognized several of the same programs by using its own criteria and classified them as Self-Management or Falls Prevention approaches. The different review criteria used by these two national public organizations present significant challenges for investigators who design interventions. The situation is further compounded by an investment in funding that hugely supports the discovery of interventions as opposed to the dissemination of interventions that have demonstrated efficacy. The National Public Health Agenda for Osteoarthritis: 2020 Update presents a blueprint that includes nine strategies for improving public health outcomes among persons with OA. These recommendations should be considered by interventionists in the future when developing programs. Other areas that can substantially benefit from further research include weight management and weight loss, injury prevention, technology-based interventions, addressing comorbid conditions, and understanding program mechanisms of action. Finally, underscoring all of these approaches and common to them is the need to enroll underserved populations to improve health equity. Underserved populations disproportionately include African Americans, Hispanics, persons with low socioeconomic status, and persons who live in rural areas of the United States. Policy recommendations to render future approaches to improving health outcomes for persons with OA are (a) to increase funding for the dissemination of programs that demonstrated efficacy and effectiveness, (b) to increase the transparency of the review and funding processes across public agencies, and (c) to nurture, broker, and provide sustainable funding streams to maintain evidence-based programming for all persons with OA across the United States.
Article
Margarita Alegria, Lauren Cohen, Ziqiang Lin, Michelle Cheng, and Sheri Lapatin Markle
Minoritized racial and ethnic groups experience mental health issues yet persistently encounter systemic barriers to accessing mental health care. Disparities in mental health services are linked to structural racism, discrimination, and stigma. Social determinants of health also impact the risk of experiencing mental health issues and contribute to mental healthcare access. Community-based organizations (CBOs) can serve as vital linkages for delivering much-needed support across many domains (e.g., physical and mental health, housing, food, recreation, etc.) and provide opportunities for fostering connections with members of underserved communities. There is untapped potential in leveraging the skills and expertise offered by CBOs and their staff. Designing programs and interventions that incorporate the goals and ideals of the community served may facilitate sustainability and contribute to a reconceptualization of care delivery based on equity. Ensuring that community-informed initiatives are set up for success will require advocacy for multisector collaboration and innovative approaches and policies that facilitate community collaborations to improve mental health and well-being for communities of color to flourish.
Article
The Western world is facing a crisis. The population is aging dramatically, and soon there will be twice as many older adults as younger counterparts. Clearly, there is a high incidence of pain in the older population, and with this comes a significant burden, including falls, frailty, depression, anxiety, sleep disturbance, reduced mobility, and impaired cognitive function. Unfortunately, chronic pain in the older population is often neglected and poorly managed for many reasons, including the expectation that pain is part of the aging process and therefore to be expected; poor assessment practices, hampered by communication problems; limited time for a comprehensive assessment to be carried out; fear of prescribing and administering drugs; and beliefs held by the older person themselves that they should expect to be in pain and therefore do not report it. All of these issues can be addressed with appropriate education and training to enable staff to appropriately apply evidence-based guidelines and effectively manage pain.
Article
Ursula Trummer, Michela Martini, and Sabelo Mbokazi
Irregular migrants belong to the most vulnerable migrant groups. Health threats associated with an irregular status are high, and access to health services is severely restricted globally. Concerning migration aspects, a common public narrative for Europe and Africa is that Africa is sending thousands of migrants to embark on an irregular life-threatening journey of migration to Europe every year. Although this is a well documented reality, it is by far not the most important migration pattern in terms of numbers and health threats when looking at Africa. It can be argued that, on the contrary, Africa is mainly characterized by south-to-south migration both for economic and humanitarian reasons, with African nation-states like Uganda being among the top three nations worldwide hosting refugees. In addition, main migration routes from Africa do not target Europe but rather other regions like the Gulf countries.
Existing dialogue between Europe and Africa has great potential to fast track and develop joint policies and strategies for meaningful, affordable legal migration patterns and access to the human right to health for irregular migrants. First, a change of the rhetoric around irregular migration from Africa mainly directed toward Europe is needed. Second, existing policies and strategies regarding the health of irregular migrants need to be examined and evaluated. Within all the huge differences concerning public health systems and capacities in Europe and Africa, a common strategy to discourage irregular migration seems to be restricting the access of irregular migrants to their human right to health through national regulations. This has paradoxically created a simultaneous inclusion on grounds of human rights regulations and exclusion on grounds of national restrictions, with “functional ignorance” (health care organizations and personnel ignore the lack of residence permits and its legal implications) and “structural compensation” (facilities run by nongovernmental organizations take over public health responsibilities and health care provision) as key features. Such strategies put a lot of strain on health care providers and irregular migrants and should not be considered as a sustainable solution.
Instead, action should be taken to overcome the paradox of contradictory migration and health policies by means of firewalls and structural mechanisms. An important step in this direction can be to rethink cooperation between Europe and Africa in this domain, starting with the development of a joint evidence base relevant for Europe and Africa in an interdisciplinary approach and with European and African scholars that can support proactive policy and strategy development to safeguard the human right to health for irregular migrants together with good migration governance.
Article
Samuel Akombeng Ojong, Bridgette Wamakima, Cheryl A. Moyer, and Marleen Temmerman
Maternal health and well-being refers to the physical, psychological, and emotional well-being of women during pregnancy, childbirth, and the postnatal period, as well as the absence of any morbidities or death either due to pregnancy or its management.
Despite making a comparatively late appearance on the international global policy agenda, maternal health and well-being has progressively become a global health policy priority following Deborah Maine’s revolutionary article on maternal mortality. Consequently, key international policy events from Alma Ata to the International Conference on Population and Development events, through the Millennium Development Goals to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the last decade have consecrated women’s inalienable right to safe and respectful health services. Also, the growing focus on rights-based care against the backdrop of the need to ensure equity in all communities worldwide has led to an evolution in policy focus, calling on health systems to not only protect women and girls from preventable deaths but to also empower them to thrive, all while recognizing their unique role is ensuring the positive transformation of the communities in which they live.
This increasing policy attention has contributed to a disproportionate yet marked reduction in global maternal mortality and morbidity statistics over the last 30 years. However, if the world is to achieve its 2030 SDGs women’s health and gender equality agendas, it is important to recognize that the broad concept of women’s health cannot be limited to the rather narrow window of pregnancy, childbirth, and the postpartum period. While there are huge gaps in all resource-type settings in promoting and protecting women’s agency and autonomy, the fact remains that in addition to ensuring the availability of and access to high-quality maternal health services, women’s health outcomes are inextricably linked to their decision-making power on key issues such as when to become sexually active, the use of contraception, whether or not they want to achieve pregnancy and childbirth, and access to safe abortion care services. Additionally, the growing burden of noncommunicable diseases and the increasing occurrence of worldwide pandemics are providing novel challenges to the health and well-being of the world’s most vulnerable women and girls, thus creating the need to ensure resilient health systems that are considerate of the rights and wishes of the world’s women and girls.
Article
Funmilola M. OlaOlorun and Wen Shen
Menopause is the natural senescence of ovarian hormonal production, and it eventually occurs in every woman. The age at which menopause occurs varies between cultures and ethnicities. Menopause can also be the result of medical or surgical interventions, in which case it can occur at a much younger age. Primary symptoms, as well as attitudes toward menopause, also vary between cultures. Presently, the gold standard for treatment of menopause symptoms is hormone therapy; however, many other options have also been shown to be efficacious, and active research is ongoing to develop better and safer treatments.
In a high-resource setting, the sequelae/physiologic changes associated with menopause can impact a woman’s physical and mental health for the rest of her life. In addition to “hot flashes,” other less well-known conditions include heart disease, osteoporosis, metabolic syndrome, depression, and cognitive decline. In the United States, cardiac disease is the leading cause of mortality in women over the age of 65. The growing understanding of the physiology of menopause is beginning to inform strategies either to prevent or to attenuate these common health conditions. As the baby boomers age, the distribution of age cohorts will increase the burden of disease toward post-reproductive women. In addition to providing appropriate medical care, public health efforts must focus on this population due to the financial impact of this age cohort of women.
Article
Saida M. Abdi
The psychosocial well-being of migrant children has become an urgent issue facing many Western countries as the number of migrant children in the population increases rapidly and health-care systems struggle to support them. Often, these children arrive with extensive exposure to trauma and loss before facing additional stressors in the host country. Yet, these children do not access mental health support even when available due to multiple barriers. These barriers include cultural and linguistic barriers, the primacy of resettlement needs, and the stigma attached to mental health illness. In order to improve mental health services for migrant children, there is a need to move away from focusing on trauma and mental health symptoms and to look instead at migrant children’s well-being across multiple domains, including activities that can promote or diminish psychological well-being. Trauma Systems Therapy for Refugees (TST-R) is an example of an approach that has succeeded in overcoming these barriers by adopting a culturally relevant and comprehensive approach to mental health care.
Article
Jutta Lindert
People who are forcibly displaced are forced to flee by serious threats to fundamental human rights, caused by factors such as persecution, armed conflict, and indiscriminate violence. Contemporary drivers of forced displacement are increasingly complex and interrelated. They include population growth, food insecurity, and water scarcity, at times compounded and multiplied by the effects of climate change. A refugee is someone who fled his or her home and country owing to “a well-founded fear of persecution because of his/her race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion,” according to the United Nations 1951 Refugee Convention. Internally displaced persons (IDPs) are people who have not crossed an international border but were forced to move to a different region than the one they call home within their own country. People who cannot return home without serious risk to their human rights have specific needs.
Forced displacement, both within a country and to other countries, is a major life event that abruptly changes environmental living conditions, such as social networks, language, and cultural environment of the displaced populations. The changes in environmental living conditions and disruptions in life challenge both the individual and the families of the displaced persons. Both types of forced displacement challenge adaptational mechanisms of individuals and families. Accordingly, the challenges can contribute to changes in mental health and mental disorders. However, estimates of mental health, mental disorders, and mental health determinants vary across and between forcibly displaced persons. This heterogeneity in estimates is associated with differences between refugee groups and with methodological difficulties in assessing refugees’ mental health. Instruments to assess mental health need to be culture-grounded and gender-sensitive to capture the scope and extent of refugees’ mental health and mental disorders. Based on reliable and valid instrument needs for assessing mental health and mental disorders, determinants can be identified and intervention can be developed and evaluated.
Article
Manuela Valenti
There are 1 billion migrants in the world today, which means that one in seven of the world’s population are migrants. Of these, 272 million are international migrants and 763 million are internal migrants. It is estimated that around 70 million of the world’s migrants, both internal and international, have been forcibly displaced.
Many things force people to leave their homes in search of a better future: war, poverty, persecution, climate change, desertification, urbanization, globalization, inequality, and lack of job prospects. Migrants remain among the most vulnerable members of society even when their living conditions improve after migration.
Migrant women and children are a particularly vulnerable group and have a great need for basic and preventive health care.
Many refugees and migrants are young and in good health, but hard living conditions and difficulty accessing basic health care can affect their state of health. Many of them face inhuman journeys during migration and live in refugee camps with very low standards of hygiene; when they find a job, they are often exploited. All these things can also affect their mental health.
Migrants struggle with similar challenges as other marginalized groups when it comes to access to health care, but they face the additional barriers of mobility, language barriers, cultural differences, lack of familiarity with local health care services, and limited eligibility for publicly and privately funded health care.
Governments should provide affordable preventive and basic health care to refugees and migrants not only because it is a human right but also because in the long term it can lower the costs of the whole health care system.
Article
Solveig A. Cunningham and Hadewijch Vandenheede
There are over 230 million international migrants worldwide, and this number continues to grow. Migrants tend to have limited access to and knowledge about resources and preventative care in their communities of reception, but nonetheless they are often in better health by many measures compared with native-born people in their communities of reception and with the people they left behind at their place of origin. With time since arrival, however, immigrants’ health advantages often dissipate and they experience increases in health problems, especially obesity and diabetes, which are chronic diseases that are increasingly prevalent in the overall population as well and are associated with multiple co-morbidities and limitations. It may be that immigrants have specific health endowments leading to these health patterns, or that the processes involved in migration, including exposure to new environments, behavioral change, and stress of migration may also affect risks of obesity and other chronic conditions. Understanding the health patterns of migrants can be useful in identifying their specific health needs, as well as contributing to our understanding of how specific environments, changes in environments, and individual health endowments interplay to shape the long-term health of populations.
Article
Deisy Ventura, Jameson Martins da Silva, Leticia Calderón, and Itzel Eguiluz
The World Health Organization has recognized health as a right of migrants and refugees, who are entitled to responsive healthcare policies, due to their particular social determinants of health. Migrants’ and refugees’ health is not only related to transmissible diseases but also to mental health, sexual and reproductive health, and non-communicable diseases, such as diabetes. Historically, however, migration has been linked to the spread of diseases and has often artificially served as a scapegoat to local shortcomings, feeding on the xenophobic rhetoric of extremist groups and political leaders. This approach fosters the criminalization of migrants, which has led to unacceptable violations of human rights, as demonstrated by the massive incarceration and deportation policies in developed countries, for example, the United States under the Trump administration.
In Latin America and the Caribbean, in particular, there have been legal developments, such as pioneering national legislation in Argentina in 2004 and Brazil in 2017, which suggest some progress in the direction of human rights, although in practice drawbacks abound in the form of countless barriers for migrants to access and benefit from healthcare services in the context of political turmoil and severe socioeconomic inequality. The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed and enhanced the effects of such inequality in the already frail health conditions of the most disenfranchised, including low-income migrants and refugees; it has both caused governments in Latin America to handle the crisis in a fragmented and unilateral fashion, ignoring opportunities to cooperate and shield the livelihoods of the most vulnerable, and served as a pretext to sharpen the restrictions to cross-border movement and, ultimately, undermine the obligation to protect the dignity of migrants, as the cases of Venezuela and the U.S.-Mexico border illustrate. Still, it could represent an opportunity to integrate the health of migrants to the public health agenda as well as restore cooperation mechanisms building on previous experiences and the existing framework of human rights organizations.
Article
Stefano Campostrini
Noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) have become the first cause of morbidity and mortality around the world. These have been targeted by most governments because they are associated with well-known risk factors and modifiable behaviors. Migrants present, as any population subgroup, peculiarities with regard to NCDs and, more relevantly, need specific information on associated risk factors to appropriately target policies and interventions. The country of origin, assimilation process, and many other migrant health aspects well studied in the literature can be related to migrants’ health risk factors. In most countries, existing sources of information are not sufficient or should be revised, and new sources of data should be found. Existing survey systems can meet organizational difficulties in changing their questionnaires; moreover, the number of changes in the adopted questionnaire should be limited for the sake of brevity to avoid excessive burden on respondents. Nevertheless, a limited number of additional variables can offer a lot of information on migrant health. Migrant status, country of origin, time of arrival should be included in any survey concerned about migrant health. These, along with information on other Social Determinants of Health and access to health services, can offer fundamental information to better understand migrants’ health and its evolution as they live in their host countries. Migrants are often characterized by a better health status, in comparison with the native population, which typically is lost over the years. Public health and health promotion could have a relevant role in modifying, for the better, this evolution, but this action must be supported by timely and reliable information.
Article
Li Liu, Lucia Hug, Diana Yeung, and Danzhen You
As under-5 mortality declines globally, newborn or neonatal mortality is becoming increasingly important. Depending on measurement and empirical data sources, calculation of the magnitude and trend of all-cause and cause-specific neonatal mortality ranges from direct methods to model-based estimates. From 1990 to 2019, the global neonatal mortality rate decreased by 52%, though wide regional variations persist, with sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) consistently experiencing the highest neonatal mortality rates, followed by Southern Asia, accounting for 79% of the 2.4 million total newborn deaths in 2019. Globally, most deaths in 2019 are due to preterm birth complications (36%), intrapartum-related events (24%), congenital abnormalities (10%), pneumonia (8%), and sepsis (7%). Since 2000, in low- and middle-income regions like Central Asia and South Asia and SSA, most deaths were avoided through declines in intrapartum-related events (3.4% and 1.9% AARR [average annual rate of reduction from 2000 to 2019], respectively) and preterm birth complications (2.9% and 1.9% AARR, respectively); whereas high-income regions like Europe, Northern America, Eastern Asia and South-Eastern Asia were more rapidly able to reduce deaths due to congenital abnormalities (2.8% and 3.2% AARR, respectively). More investment is urgently required to improve data collection and data quality, as well as to leverage supporting empirical data with statistical modeling to improve the validity of neonatal mortality and cause-of-death estimates.
Article
Emily Q. Ahonen
Occupational health and safety concerns classically encompass conditions and hazards in workplaces which, with sufficient exposure, can lead to injury, distress, illness, or death. The ways in which work is organized and the arrangements under which people are employed have also been linked to worker health. Migrants are people who cross borders away from their usual place of residence, and about one in seven people worldwide is a migrant. Terms like “immigrant” and “emigrant” refer to the direction of that movement relative to the stance of the speaker. Any person who might be classified as a migrant and who works or seeks to work is an immigrant worker and may face challenges to safety, health, and well-being related to the work he or she does. The economic, legal, and social circumstances of migrant workers can place them into employment and working conditions that endanger their safety, health, or well-being. While action in support of migrant worker health must be based on systematic understanding of these individuals’ needs, full understanding the possible dangers to migrant worker health is limited by conceptual and practical challenges to public health surveillance and research about migrant workers. Furthermore, intervention in support of migrant worker health must balance tensions between high-risk and population-based approaches and need to address the broader, structural circumstances that pattern the health-related experiences of migrant workers. Considering the relationships between work and health that include but go beyond workplace hazards and occupational injury, and engaging with the ways in which structural influences act on health through work, are complex endeavors. Without more critically engaging with these issues, however, there is a risk of undermining the effectiveness of efforts to improve the lot of migrant workers by “othering” the workers or by failing to focus on what is causing the occupational safety and health concern in the first place—the characteristics of the work people do. Action in support of migrant workers should therefore aim to ameliorate structural factors that place migrants into disadvantageous conditions while working to improve conditions for all workers.
Article
Falls in hospital and residential care settings are common events that can have major impacts for the older person, their families, and staff and also at an organizational level. They are a major trigger event for those with chronic health problems to advance to greater levels of care because they often result in traumatic injuries while they provide a signal event for declining health that may have gone unobserved before injury. Falls among older people in hospital and residential care settings are often caused by a complex mix of risk factors and have proved difficult to prevent. There is growing research evidence that a mix of universal falls prevention interventions that are applied to all patients or residents, as well as targeted interventions addressing one or more identified personal and environmental falls risk factors (often based on a falls risk factor assessment and environmental assessment) can help to reduce risk of future falls in hospitals and residential care. Preventing falls among older people in hospitals and residential care settings requires a complete staff and organizational focus.
Article
Danuta Wasserman
Around 700,000 people take their lives each year worldwide. Suicide accounts for approximately 1.3% of all deaths and therefore represents a major public health problem. The global age-standardized suicide rate is 9 per 100,000 population, yet there are large variations among genders, ages, countries, and world regions. The stress–vulnerability model of suicidal behaviors has been proposed to explain how a diathesis, developed through the influence of genetic and neurodevelopmental factors in relation to perinatal, postnatal, and life experiences, interacts with different risk and protective factors that either decrease or enhance the individual’s level of resilience to stress and suicidal risk. Public health suicide prevention strategies include suicide means restriction, reducing harmful substance use, promoting responsible media reporting, public-awareness campaigns, gatekeeper trainings, school-based interventions, crisis helplines, and postvention. Mental health strategies comprise identification, treatment, and rehabilitation of persons in distress and at risk for suicide. Multicomponent strategies that use a combination of evidence-based methods from public and mental health sectors are recommended. Future work should aim at enhancing the quality of epidemiological data, improving the research on protective and ideation-to-action factors, expanding the quantity and quality of data coming from low- and middle-income countries, and evaluating the cost-effectiveness of different suicide prevention strategies.
Article
Nancy Morrow-Howell and Peter Sun
Population aging has largely been approached as a problem. Demographic shifts toward aging societies have been viewed from a deficit perspective. Certainly, the remarkable extension of human life has created challenges to individuals, families, healthcare and social care systems, and income security policies. Yet, the “age-drain” approach fails to recognize the vast heterogeneity of the older population and the growing human capital among older adults. The productive-aging perspective is an alternative to the age-drain perspective that can shape social approaches to population aging. The concept of productive aging was introduced by Dr. Robert Butler in 1985, and he called for the redirection of attention from the dependencies associated with later life to the actual and potential contribution of older adults. Further, he suggested that society could not afford to dismiss the growing capacity of the older population. From the productive-aging perspective, the capacity of older adults to contribute to families and communities through working, volunteering, and caregiving is highlighted. It is likely that societies will need more people in these roles longer into the life course, and it is possible to facilitate engagement in these roles to maximize positive outcomes for older adults and society.
Productive engagement is defined as engaging in activities that produce goods and services, whether paid for or not, including working, volunteering (formal and informal), and caregiving. In all these cases, monetary values have been assigned to the contributions made by people over a certain age, depending on the age selected by the researcher. Outcomes of productive engagement have been conceptualized at multiple levels, including well-being for older people, experienced person-power for organizations, relief to retirement income programs, and stronger civic society. Attaining these outcomes requires social policies and programs that increase opportunities for all segments of the older population. Since the conceptual beginnings, scholars have proposed that productive engagement be viewed as an outcome of extra-individual factors, distinguishing this perspective from the successful aging paradigm that focused more on individual determinants. To date, outdated programs and policies have constrained the engagement of older adults as workers, volunteers, and caregivers. Many innovations have been proposed, and promising interventions are being demonstrated. The aim is to transform work environments and employment policies to enable people to work longer, to increase opportunities to engage older adults in volunteer roles while helping organizations more fully utilize this talent pool, and to improve support for caregiving and other forms of care work in later life. The goal is to create opportunities and to facilitate engagement in productive roles—not to exploit or coerce older people or to exclude lower-resourced individuals who have been marginalized across their life course. Fundamentally, progress depends on changing attitudes about aging and dispelling current assumptions about older adults and aging populations.
